Serbia, 2009

The United Nations is the only

universal institution that unites us all as a global

community of independent States. At the very heart of

this indispensable Organization stands the General

Assembly, the only place in the world where the

sovereign voices of all countries are given an equal,

legitimate say in the future course of mankind.

Safeguarding the principles of the United Nations

Charter remains much more important than the policies

of any single nation, especially during transformative

periods such as this. The international system seems to

be undergoing a paradigm shift that, in many ways, is

comparable in scope to those that occurred in 1945 and

1989.

No one is yet able to reliably predict how deep

the change will turn out to be. What is becoming

evident is that interrelated factors — the most recent of

which is the global economic crisis — have caused the

arrival of a new set of circumstances on the world

stage. A broad repositioning appears to be taking place.

The global balance of power is shifting as new

financial models compete for primacy. All in all,

international relations are becoming less predictable.

Achieving consensus on fundamental issues that

affect us all has never been more important. As United

Nations Member States, it is incumbent upon us to

work more closely together to reaffirm the rules that

govern the international system, to reinforce the

territorial integrity of Member States, to entrench

interdependence and to complete the transition from

the old order, based on political and economic

domination, to one established on equitable

cooperation among all nations.

That is the only way to build a future of global

peace, stability and prosperity. It is the only way to

enhance the dialogue among civilizations, to make

multilateralism more effective and to provide for

sustainable development and eradicate poverty

throughout the world. And it is the only way to

effectively fight terrorism and cross-border organized

crime and to promote nuclear disarmament.

We must also work more in concert with one

another to combat the effects of climate change. That

09-52470 2

will continue to be strongly emphasized over the

course of Serbia’s two-year presidency of the

Governing Council of the United Nations

Environmental Programme. As part of our efforts, we

have proposed the establishment of a regional climate

change centre in Belgrade, Serbia.

As a responsible global citizen, we have

underlined the necessity of agreeing on a fair and

balanced emissions reduction scheme and, in

particular, on a new comprehensive climate

agreement — one that will secure eco-friendly

investments, stimulate innovation and facilitate the

global spread of technologies, knowledge and

experience.

In short, working towards a “green economy”

will decisively contribute to placing the whole world

firmly on the path towards a cleaner, more sustainable

path.

How we conduct ourselves at this time of great

transformation will constitute a precedent with far-

reaching consequences for generations to come. Simply

put, we are at a point of decision: will we choose a

world in which there are no rules as exceptions become

the new norms, devoid of any meaning except “might

makes right”? Or will we opt to solidify the great gains

achieved when the principles of an equitable

international order were embodied in the United

Nations Charter?

I believe that only the latter alternative provides a

future that all United Nations Member States can work

in concert to bring about. The starting point remains

universal respect for international law. No one should

be above it, no one should stand beyond its reach and

no one should feel at liberty to declare an exception to

its jurisdiction and scope. And yet that is precisely

what was recently attempted.

I come before the Assembly as the President of a

country that is trapped at the centre of one of the most

dangerous challenges to the universality of the

international system since the founding of the United

Nations. I speak of UDI — the unilateral declaration of

independence by the ethnic Albanian authorities of

Serbia’s southern province of Kosovo and Metohija.

This attempt at secession stands in direct violation of

Serbia’s democratic Constitution, as well as the basic

principles of the United Nations Charter, the Helsinki

Final Act and Security Council resolution 1244 (1999).

Some say Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of

independence is a unique case. But in truth it is an

attempt to forcibly partition a Member State of the

United Nations against its will and without regard for

the firm opposition of the Security Council. It is an

attempt to impose a nineteenth-century outcome on a

twenty-first century challenge. Serbia will never, under

any circumstances, implicitly or explicitly, recognize

the unilateral declaration of independence of the ethnic

Albanian authorities of our southern province.

We will continue to vigorously defend our

integrity in a non-confrontational manner, using all

peaceful means at our disposal. That is why, at the very

outset of this grave crisis, Serbia ruled out the use of

force. We chose to respond to Kosovo with the utmost

responsibility and restraint. Serbia opted for a

diplomatic approach, the result of which is that a vast

majority of United Nations Member States have

refrained from recognizing the unilateral declaration of

independence in Kosovo and have continued to abide

by their Charter obligation to respect the sovereignty

and territorial integrity of my country. On behalf of the

Republic of Serbia, allow me once again to sincerely

thank these countries for their adherence to the

principles of international law.

While categorically rejecting violence and

unilateralism, Serbia has been equally emphatic in

demanding that justice be delivered through the proper

legal means at the disposal of any United Nations

Member State. As part of our constructive approach,

we decided to contest the issue of Kosovo’s unilateral

declaration of independence before the principal

judicial organ of the United Nations, the International

Court of Justice, which was tasked by General

Assembly resolution 63/3 with issuing an advisory

opinion on whether that declaration is in accordance

with international law. I would like to take this

opportunity to inform the Member States that the Court

has concluded the preliminary, written phase of its

proceedings in the case. Public hearings are scheduled

to begin on 1 December, with a decision by the Court

expected sometime next year.

Let me express my sincere gratitude to all those

countries that have chosen to actively support Serbia’s

strategic choice to transfer the Kosovo issue to the

judicial arena. The case marks the first time in the

history of the Court that it has been asked to consider

the legality of an attempt at secession by an ethnic

group from a United Nations Member State. There is

3 09-52470

no doubt that the Court’s conclusions will constitute a

powerful legal precedent, with overarching

consequences for the United Nations system. The

outcome will either strongly deter other separatist

movements from attempting to secede, or produce a

result that could encourage them to act in a similar

fashion. Plainly stated, should Kosovo’s unilateral

declaration of independence be allowed to stand, a

door would open for challenging the territorial

integrity of any United Nations Member State.

The uniquely important nature of this case has

been acknowledged by the international community. As

we know, all five permanent members of the Security

Council have confirmed their participation in the

public hearings before the International Court of

Justice. It is in this context that I appeal to all Member

States to respect the fact that the Court continues to be

actively engaged on the issue. Its deliberations should

not be prejudged and its work should not be obstructed.

The Court’s proceedings have to be allowed to run

their course without political pressure, such as any

further recognition of Kosovo’s unilateral declaration

of independence. On behalf of the Republic of Serbia, I

encourage all non-recognizing Member States to stay

the course. By maintaining respect for my country’s

sovereignty and territorial integrity, together we will

help ensure that international law continues to close in

on the issue of unilateral declarations of independence.

Serbia’s decision to turn to the International

Court of Justice to contest the Kosovo issue has been

complemented by a policy of constructive engagement

with all legitimate actors on the ground in Kosovo. We

maintain support for a reconfigured United Nations

Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK)

and its continuing indispensability. We have also

welcomed a status-neutral European Union Rule of

Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX), working in our

southern province on the basis of Security Council

resolution 1244 (1999), which continues to operate

under the overall authority of the United Nations. I call

on all responsible stakeholders invested in the future of

Kosovo to work more closely with the Government of

Serbia on implementing in full the Secretary-General’s

six-point plan (S/2008/354, annex I), which was

welcomed by the Security Council in November 2008.

This is a time for leadership and working

together, not for increasing the divide. We all have our

constraints, and they should be respected. Let us create

new opportunities for achieving practical results, by

engaging with one another on a host of concrete

questions for the benefit of all residents of Kosovo

province, including the Serbs — the community most

at risk in all of Europe.

(spoke in French)

Democracy in Serbia is sound; our society rests

on a solid foundation and our values have been

strongly confirmed by law. The basis of our strategic

approach to national development is the call for all

European nations to share their common destiny. On

many occasions our actions, in very difficult

circumstances, have proved our determination to

become a member of the European Union (EU).

Despite setbacks, our core strategic priority remains

that of attaining EU membership, not merely on

grounds of geography, heritage or economic prosperity,

but also because of the essential values that we share.

These are values that proclaim soft power in foreign

policy and the primacy of law in domestic affairs;

achieving consensus in Brussels and standards of

human rights throughout the EU. These are values that

proclaim freedom of movement for all citizens of

Serbia in the Schengen area, the tangible result of our

process of entry into the EU, which we hope to see

implemented on 1 January 2010. This will bring us

closer to Europe, for the right to travel without a visa is

to the citizens of Serbia the expression of what the EU

means on a daily basis.

But these are also values that have led us to

modernize our administration, to adopt exemplary

legislation in areas such as anti-discrimination and the

protection of minorities, and to redouble our efforts

towards regional reconciliation. That is an important

reason why Serbia will shortly complete its full

cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal

for the Former Yugoslavia: it is a legal and moral

obligation towards victims, towards ourselves and,

above all, towards future generations.

As the twentieth anniversary of the fall of the

Berlin wall approaches, we must not forget that the

objective of uniting all the nations of Europe under the

same roof has not yet been attained. Much remains to

be done. Expansion fatigue must not emerge as a new

reality in Europe. Solidarity must remain a high

priority. It will never be time to consider an exit

strategy with regard to the Western Balkans.

Permit me to stress that the facts are clear. All

benefit from expansion: old and new members, as well

09-52470 4

as potential members of the EU. This goes beyond our

wildest dreams, even at a time of economic challenges

and political demoralization. That is because the values

that unite us are strong and just.

(spoke in English)

In that context, let me underline the necessity of

strengthening regional cooperation. In June, Serbia

hosted 15 heads of State during the Central European

Summit, whose main topic was the interdependence of

the economy, EU integration and energy. That

demonstrated our commitment to acting constructively

and working closely together with neighbouring

countries to ensure that regional peace is consolidated.

With regard to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia is

a guarantor of the Dayton Agreement. Let there be no

doubt that we will remain committed to the sovereignty

and territorial integrity of that neighbouring country, as

we will to those of all other United Nations Member

States in the region and across the world.

In short, as the strategic anchor of stability in the

Western Balkans, Serbia will invest even greater efforts

in completing the democratic transformation of our

part of Europe.

Serbia’s robust European vision is complemented

by our strong determination to pursue a carefully

balanced, artfully executed and active foreign policy

aimed at engagement with nations throughout the

world, near and far. That is in our long-term interest

and will not change. Therefore, our engagement with

Brussels, Moscow, Washington and Beijing — the four

enduring pillars of Serbia’s foreign policy — will

continue to be strengthened in the time ahead.

In conclusion, I want to emphasize another

important dimension of our foreign policy. Serbia will

continue to deepen ties with proud nations across the

globe, many of which are members of the Non-Aligned

Movement (NAM). My country is the largest successor

to a founding member of the Movement. Serbia’s

capital, Belgrade, was the site of the first NAM

summit, held in 1961. That is why I have proposed that

the fiftieth anniversary of the Non-Aligned Movement

be celebrated in Belgrade with an extraordinary

summit under the auspices of the Egyptian

chairmanship.

Let me emphasize that Serbia will continue to

engage with NAM countries, not only to honour a

legacy from the past and to renew traditional

friendships, but also because we believe that

international stability and prosperity cannot be

consolidated without taking into account the views of

the majority in the global family of nations.

I close by saying that the time for anyone to

procrastinate, to try half-measures or to delay and

discourage is coming to a close. In its place, we are

entering a period in which only results matter — a

period of consequence and momentous choice. Now

comes our time of testing.

Our vision is simple: the universal application of

the principles contained in the United Nations Charter,

the strengthening of international law and human rights

in an increasingly interdependent world, the equitable

development of the global economy and the sustainable

management of the environment throughout the world.

Let us all have the courage to see that vision through to

its rapid and noble completion.