Sudan, 1995

Allow me at the outset to express to the President my

warmest congratulations on his election to guide the

fiftieth session of the General Assembly. We are

confident that his wealth of experience will make it

possible for this session to achieve its noble goals. I

9

should like to pledge the full support and cooperation of

Sudan to that end.

Allow me also to express my great appreciation to his

predecessor, the President of the forty-ninth session of the

General Assembly His Excellency Mr. Amara Essy,

Minister for Foreign Affairs of Côte d’Ivoire, for his

immensely valuable contribution to the work of the United

Nations. I would also like to commend the Secretary-

General for his continuous endeavours in fulfilling his

functions.

This session of the General Assembly acquires a

special importance because half a century in the lifetime of

the Organization calls upon us to pause for contemplation

and self-criticism. We should do that because we look

forward to the United Nations becoming the body that

guarantees peaceful coexistence amongst States, the light

that guides States in important issues and the effective

instrument for consolidating international cooperation.

The philosophy upon which the United Nations was

established was one that aimed at reflecting the progress

humanity had achieved towards the state of civilization.

However, actual experience has fallen short of that

aspiration. In our view, this falling short has been due to

certain practices by means of which some have tried to use

the Organization as a tool to impose their hegemony and

influence, so that their own outlook and values may become

the sole, compulsory statute of the international community,

regardless of any diversity of cultures, beliefs, or heritage.

It behoves us to agree, however, that our world is made up

of a fabric of diversity, and that such diversity, at no time

in history, has been a source of conflict but, rather, a source

of rich and valuable contributions to the gains made by

mankind. Instead of undermining that diversity or using it

as a pretext for strife and conflict, it would have been wiser

to make it a basis for constructive dialogue and the

consolidation of tolerance and justice in the world.

The United Nations has led humanity towards new

horizons in the half century that has elapsed since its

establishment. This necessitates a reconsideration of its

system and mechanisms, given the vast expansion in its

membership, its new responsibilities and the emergence of

new international economic and political blocs and systems

that were not in existence when the United Nations was

founded. Top priority in such an endeavour should be

accorded to the need to reform the Security Council, in

view of the role expected from it in maintaining

international peace and security.

The considerations we have mentioned are

compelling reasons for expanding Security Council

membership in order to ensure equitable representation of

the developing countries. It is also necessary to reform

the procedures of the Council, to ensure transparency and

clarity in its work, to reform its decision-making

mechanism and to develop equitable criteria that would

guide its policies and safeguard it against the pitfall of

double-standard and the effects of the ambitions of

hegemony and domination of any of its members.

The reform of the United Nations should also

include reform of the Bretton Woods institutions, which

have come to be used as tools for the implementation of

strategies that are designed to entrench hegemony over

the developing countries. Therefore, the Bretton Woods

institutions are required to return to their mandate, which

stipulate their role in the promotion of a balanced

development and support for the monetary and financial

policies of all countries without exception or

discrimination. We also concur in the call for a review of

those institutions in the light of the economic and

financial factors which have come to prevail in today’s

world as a result of the emergence of new groups and

countries whose economic weight enables them to exert

considerable influence on international trade and on the

flow of financial resources and capital.

Today’s world also faces a number of economic and

social crises as a result of the fractious economic relations

between North and South, the inequitable terms of trade

and the ever-expanding gap between rich and poor

countries. Those crises are exacerbated by the dominance

of consumerism and the undermining of the moral values

that uphold the dignity of man and preserve the social

fabric. Those are moral values which inspired all cultures

and civilizations. Accordingly, the objectives of balanced

development should be formulated on a basis of respect

for those values and principles in order for these

objectives to be conducive to resolving the crises and

maintaining balance in social, political, cultural, and

economic relations in the world community.

In this regard, we should mention the debt problem

that has become a major concern for developing

countries, especially the African. The indebtedness of the

African countries had doubled in the past 10 years to a

record $270 billion, with a debt-servicing tag that

consumes about 35 per cent of the gross national product

of those countries. As expected, the heavy debt burden

and debt-servicing tag have had serious consequences

10

which impede development efforts and obstruct economic

structural reforms.

On the other hand, the industrial countries have taken

no responsible initiative to address this problem. Instead,

they called for a case-by-case approach on a bilateral basis.

This reinforces the impression that the purpose is the

imposition of a political agenda. The result has been

paralysis of the economies of African States, collapse of

their infrastructures, and, consequently the eruption of

internal and regional conflicts all over the continent, which

have impeded Africa’s efforts to achieve growth and

internal stability. Therefore, the linking of peace-keeping,

humanitarian assistance and long-term sustainable

development is a principle that we welcome and support.

Sudan has been following with deep concern the

situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the Bosnian

people have continued to be victims of “ethnic cleansing”

and extermination. While we reiterate our support for the

people and the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina, we

call upon the international community to continue its efforts

to put an end to the genocide that targets this people and

we commend the efforts deployed by all those countries

that support or are engaged in the search for a just, lasting

and comprehensive settlement to this problem.

The situation in the Gulf is of special importance to us

not only because it affects our peace and stability, but also

because of the deeply rooted historical and cultural ties and

relationships which strongly bind my country to that region.

We look forward to the return of peace amongst our

brothers in the Gulf. In this respect, we have welcomed

Iraq’s official recognition of the sovereignty and territorial

boundaries of the State of Kuwait in accordance with the

relevant Security Council resolutions and Iraq’s undertaking

to cooperate in resolving the outstanding problems between

the two States, on the one hand, and between Iraq and the

Security Council, on the other. We call on all parties to

abide by these measures in order to guarantee Kuwait’s

legitimate right to existence and sovereignty and the right

to security and stability to its people and leadership. By the

same token, we call for the lifting of the embargo imposed

on Iraq, which no longer has any legal justification as the

grounds it was built on no longer obtain. The embargo has

now become a political ploy aimed at starving the Iraqi

people, humiliating it and fragmenting its territory.

In the same context, Sudan has been following, with

great dismay and disapprobation, the continuation of the

unjust sanctions imposed on the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya,

while the Jamahiriya has spared no effort in trying to deal

with the dispute over the Lockerbie crisis by every

acceptable legal means. It is our opinion that the initiative

by the League of Arab States, to which the Libyan Arab

Jamahiriya subscribes, is a practical basis for addressing

the situation in a manner that would lead to the lifting of

the sanctions.

As for the Palestinian question, it is our belief that

peace should be based on the criteria of justice and full

respect for all the rights of the Palestinian and Arab

peoples of the region. Consequently, the return of all the

Syrian Golan Heights to Syria, and Israel’s full and

unconditional withdrawal from southern Lebanon,

Al-Quds and all the other occupied Arab territories, are

essential requirements for the achievement of any stable

lasting settlement.

We are advocates of peace, stability and good-

neighbourliness. Our abiding conviction has been that the

Horn of Africa is a region that has suffered most, without

any objective justification from internal civil strife and

instability. We concur with the view that the peoples of

the subregion should focus on the need to achieve

security and stability. Indeed, this is an objective that we

have worked for through many a practical initiative that

we put forward as members of the Organization of

African Unity (OAU) and of the International Authority

on Drought and Development (IGADD). Notwithstanding

the high hopes we had in that direction, the results have

fallen short of the very minimum of our aspirations,

because some have been seduced by grand strategies

whose aim has been the destabilization of the region. It is

regrettable that some seem to find it difficult indeed to

abide by the behests of international legality or even to

respect the norms of international law. It is equally

regrettable that such quarters find it difficult to abide by

the principles of good-neighbourliness and peaceful

coexistence and turn, instead, to subversion and terrorism

against my country publicly embrace and give haven to

elements of armed opposition.

My country supports the initiatives aimed at

promoting and strengthening regional organizations and

mechanisms for conflict prevention and settlement, and

urges that such mechanisms should adhere to the

objectives they were introduced to achieve and abide by

the rules that govern their activities. It is our opinion that

the functions of such mechanisms should be, above all

else, preventive and that they should discharge such

functions impartially. They should intervene in conflicts

only when it is necessary to do so, with the consent of

the parties concerned, and their activities should be

11

limited to peaceful handling. They should also preserve

their regional nature, so that they do not become extensions

of other parallel mechanisms or tentacles of strategies that

aim at international hegemony.

As regards our immediate neighbours, allow me to

reciprocate, and to extend similar greetings to the brotherly

people of Egypt, and to express our conviction that only the

truth will prevail and that the situation in Egypt will return

to its normal course, away from all policies of repression,

domination and terrorism. There is no doubt that relations

between Sudan and Egypt, inevitably, will return to normal

away from the policy of imposition of fait accompli, away

from the policies of occupation of territory by force and

overt support for organized armed terrorism and away from

the legitimization of rebellion and sedition.

It is our conviction that the ties of brotherhood and

solidarity that, historically, have linked our two peoples,

will remain as strong and as enduring as the Nile that flows

from Sudan to Egypt. Sudan has very clearly supported the

integrity of Egypt within its borders. This has been the

position of principle adopted by Sudan towards Egypt, not

in words but in deeds that are recorded in the eternal annals

of history as when the sons of Sudan gave their lives in

defence of Egypt.

As we are renewing the commitment to and desire for

peace and coexistence, we call for the resolving by

negotiation of all boundary disputes and all problems

relating to sovereignty over territories that arise between

States. Failing this, there would be no alternative but to

seek arbitration by neutral parties.

The word “Islam” is derived from the Arabic word

“salam” which means “peace”. Islam is a religion based on

the principles of peace, equality and justice. I do not

believe that Islam needs anyone to defend its record: it is

history that bears witness to the greatness of the

civilizations it gave rise to while the present attests to its

contribution to the moral and social progress of men.

God honoured man by making him with His own hand

and by ordaining that this fact should for ever be a

fundamental reason for honouring man and for upholding

his rights. Thus the concept of human rights, which was

recently blazoned by some as if it were something that they

have just recently discovered, has been part of Islam’s

teachings for centuries upon centuries. Islam made it part

of its charter which guides the believers long before that

concept found its way into modern charters.

It is indeed regrettable that such a religion should

become the target of a malicious onslaught that aims not

only at distorting its image, but also at trying to question

its origins and roots. It is all the more disturbing that

certain major Powers and societies have found it fitting to

participate in this onslaught, without paying heed, it

would seem, to the devastating confrontation between the

West and Islam the onslaught is trying to provoke. We

particularly urge the United Nations not to allow itself to

be dragged into such a campaign.

We were pleased by the constructive approach

adopted by His Holiness Pope John Paul II in his address

to this Assembly and by his call for coexistence amongst

different cultures so that they might complement each

other in building a healthy human society.

In that connection, we also applaud the statement by

the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Germany before this

Assembly and by his rejection of any linking of Islam

with terrorism. We hope that other Western leaders will

follow suit and ensure that policies on the ground should

reflect such a posture. Moreover, the need to avoid

attempts at misrepresenting Islam and provoking

confrontation with it requires that such positive positions

should not be confined to leaders and Governments but

should extend also and become reflected in their societies,

their mass media and their legal, security and

administrative systems.

In conformity with our values and beliefs, which

respect women, the State has promoted the position of

women in Sudan, has granted them their full rights and

has enabled them to reach the highest levels in the

constitutional, legislative, and executive branches of

Government. In today’s Sudan, women constitute

50 per cent of the Government’s working force. The

percentage of females in the universities and institutions

of higher education is more than 60 per cent. Sudan was

a pioneer among the countries of the region in the area of

empowering woman. Women have been appointed not

only to govern provinces, but also to hold leading posts

in a number of the ministries of central Government and

in the provinces.

Our option in Sudan has been that economic and

social development should be founded on our spiritual

values, our historical background and our social traditions.

Self-reliance has been the major underpinning of this

endeavour to achieve development. Although our opting

for this path has been under conditions of an inauspicious

12

world climate, yet we have managed to provide food,

clothing and various basic services for our citizens.

The participation of the Sudanese citizen in the

country’s public affairs underscores the approach we have

opted for, namely the prevalence of the spirit of

consultation — shura — so that our citizens may be able

to participate actively in the decision-making organs within

the federal system. In this context, Sudan has witnessed

public elections for various legislative bodies in more than

20 of its 26 provinces. Upon completion of elections in all

provinces, elections for the members of the National

Assembly will be held, and eventually, the election of a

President of the Republic will take place.

At the moment, Sudan hosts about one million

refugees, and despite its meagre resources, its Government

provides them with material assistance. It is unfortunate that

the international community has discontinued its assistance

to those refugees, thus leaving the country to bear the brunt

of this essentially international responsibility. We call upon

the international community to increase its financial

assistance to the Office of the United Nations High

Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to meet the essential

needs of refugee projects and programmes in Sudan. Failure

by the international community to do so will be quite unfair

to Sudan, as it would mean that the country is expected to

continue to host such a number of refugees while the

international community fails to discharge its responsibility

towards them.

We come to this session of the General Assembly

motivated by good faith, and determination to play fully our

role in cooperation with the international family of the

United Nations. In so doing, we are inspired by our

commitment to the purposes and principles of the United

Nations Charter and by our desire to put our capabilities at

the service of the common good of mankind and to work

for the realization of our aspirations after a new world

order that would be characterized by liberty, equality and

justice. We hope that the principles set forth in this

statement would point the way towards the attainment of

the noble goals which the United Nations was created to

achieve.