Qatar, 1999

I extend

my congratulations to Mr. Theo-Ben Gurirab, on his

election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-

fourth session. I wish him success in guiding the work of

the Assembly.

It gives me great pleasure to extend my thanks to his

predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti, for his effective work as

President of the Assembly at its previous session. I wish

him similar success in his future endeavours.

Allow me on this occasion to congratulate the three

new Members on their admission to the United Nations.

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Allow me also, on behalf of my Government, to express

appreciation to the Secretary-General, for his tireless work

and laudable efforts in the midst of an international

situation that can be described — at best — as difficult and

complicated.

Of course the international situation is truly difficult

and complicated. It is no coincidence that as we meet in

this forum to discuss the affairs and state of the world

today — at this, the last session of the century, the

beginning of a new century, a new age that we once hoped

would be different from the old — we find ourselves

obliged to discuss the same problems and the same disputes

that we have been facing for over half a century. Is this not

truly deplorable and even outrageous? Does not this reality

constitute categorical evidence that all of us — States,

peoples and regional and international organizations —

have failed to learn enough from the lessons of the past,

that we have not benefited from our past experiences

enough and that we have not sought as much as we should

have, to overcome our past limitations and shortcomings?

What do we see when we look at our world today?

We see bloody conflicts that we have not yet been able to

stop and chronic crises that still await solutions that would

end the spiral of violence and suffering. Moreover, we find

that the world remains reluctant or even unable to address

problems and crises that are far removed, in terms of

content, from the course of daily politics but whose effects

and ramifications are no less dangerous than the topical

crises and conflicts that threaten our existence. We must

ask ourselves: What have we done, as we stand on the

threshold of the third millennium, to prepare ourselves to

meet the challenges of poverty, misery, unemployment,

illiteracy, disease, the spread of epidemics and the

exploitation of children?

What have we done to prepare ourselves to cope with

the dangers of organized crime, international terrorism and

drug trafficking? Have we really understood the threat of

the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the

possibility that they may be used at any time and

anywhere?

What of the real dangers besetting our planet as a

result of environmental degradation, climate change, the

scarcity of water resources, the shortage of raw materials,

the deteriorating phenomena of drought and desertification

and the increasing frequency of natural disasters?

Have we at least begun to draft guidelines and

comprehensive universal plans to confront these global

threats, which do not differentiate between nationalities,

races, colours or creeds and which most certainly

recognize no political, geographical, economic and social

borders among nations and peoples?

Simply put, have we, as States, Governments and

international organizations, begun adjusting our priorities

so as to place the goals of development, progress,

education, health, high living standards and decent life for

our peoples ahead of the aims of conflict, disputes and

vengeance, no matter how historical, profound or

sensitive?

I cannot answer yes to any of these questions. There

is nothing in this statement to criticize anyone or detract

from their resolve or intentions. It is a sad universal

reality that requires our cooperation and joint efforts if we

truly hope to prepare ourselves for the future and its tasks

and changes. To that end, I see no better or more

comprehensive framework for this mission than this

international Organization, which we believe to be the

qualified and appropriate institution for defining the future

of our world. All of us, regardless of our interests and

our narrow, topical political calculations, must provide the

United Nations and its agencies with all the means

necessary for it to play such an important role.

We are convinced that this can be achieved only

with universal will, for in the final analysis, the United

Nations is the sum total of its Member States. We are

also convinced of the need to reform the United Nations

and to enhance the effectiveness and efficiency of its

bodies and agencies. Similarly, it is incumbent upon us,

the States Members of the Organization, to assume our

political responsibility and respect our moral and financial

commitments to it. Furthermore, in this context, we

support the idea of expanding the Security Council to

make it more democratic and representative of the

international community in the modern world. We also

support the idea of expanding the permanent membership

of the Council so as to ensure greater universal

representation on it. The same applies to restricting the

use of the veto by the permanent members and to

regulating the capacity to use this right under agreed and

specific terms and conditions.

It is perhaps not exaggerated optimism or

expectation on my part when I say that we consider this

to be an essential and vital step towards consecrating the

sound concept of globalization, as we see it and as it

must be in the twenty-first century. We believe that

globalization must be a comprehensive mechanism in the

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service of the general welfare of all nations and peoples. If

its benefits are confined to certain States and societies, to

the exclusion of others, it will fail to achieve its objectives.

On this basis, we believe that globalization should be

the means by which we promote cooperation, interaction

and openness among the peoples and societies of the world.

We can thus steer globalization away from the pitfalls of

narrow exploitation and short-term profit and towards a

universal scope whose benefits and returns reach everyone.

It is here that we feel that a new and extremely vital role

will emerge for the United Nations in the twenty-first

century — a role in which the Organization will assume

leadership of the trend towards globalization and consecrate

it, especially in the fields of cooperation, cultural and

educational exchanges, social and economic development,

the defence of human rights, strengthening peace and

stability and consolidating the bases of cultural openness

among nations and peoples.

We will thus have taken the first essential steps

towards the establishment of the new international order

that we thought we had achieved at the end the cold war

and the age of international polarization, which lasted 50

years after the end of the Second World War. The new

international order to which we aspired did not materialize.

Unfortunately, and in spite of the many initiatives and

indications that had once seemed encouraging, the world

instead soon fell into a new spiral of disagreements,

disputes and regional, bilateral and internal conflicts. These

seemed to be the direct results of the political vacuum left

in the wake of the cold war. At the same time, new

conflicts and disputes have joined the series of historically

chronic crises that have plagued our world for decades and

for which no effective solutions have been found.

We may discuss the future and a new world in which

we seek to achieve the aspirations of all peoples to

prosperity, progress and stability, but the priority of

spending on arms and military purposes still prevails over

all others, especially in the developing and poor regions of

the world, where the need for resources for social and

economic growth and development is paramount. In the

meantime, economic conditions in these regions continue to

deteriorate, social crises are exacerbated and living

standards are plummeting ever faster.

Naturally, these are not the only problems. In the

midst of such a vicious circle, the political crises facing

these societies are intensified in turn and soon evolve into

significant threats, not only to their security and internal

fabric, but also to their neighbours. Particularly disturbing

is the fact that this phenomenon has spread and expanded

into several regions of the world. In this regard, and on

behalf of my country, Qatar, I cannot but express

satisfaction at the results of the North Atlantic Treaty

Organization (NATO) operation in the Balkans.

In the same context, my Government has followed

with concern the events that have unfolded in East Timor

in recent weeks. Qatar hopes for the success of the

international efforts currently under way to restore peace

and security. At the same time, we stress the hope that

the Republic of Indonesia will transcend this difficult

ordeal and reclaim its prominent position in South-East

Asia and in the ranks of the international community as

a whole.

While some recent developments have provided

relatively reassuring indications of the possibility of

settling regional and internal conflicts, given the resolve

and the international will to do so, we find it necessary to

recall here that we would have preferred that such

international endeavours had taken place in a pre-emptive

context that would have prevented the crises and the

ensuing tragedies and suffering, instead of subsequent

efforts aimed at salvaging whatever remained to be

salvaged.

We express this concern and call for further

international efforts to settle crises and to put an end to

wars and conflicts because we in the State of Qatar

profoundly believe in the right of peoples to live in

freedom and peace. We also believe in the need to

establish international relations on the basis of friendship,

cooperation, mutual respect, common interests and good-

neighbourliness. Proceeding from this, my country stands

firmly and unambiguously in support of the settlement of

differences and disputes in the Gulf region by peaceful

means and through dialogue, negotiations, or international

arbitration in order to consolidate security and stability in

the region.

We also wish to place on record my Government's

satisfaction at some of the positive developments and

encouraging signs that we have noticed during the past

months regarding the settlement of a number of questions

that have long been a source of concern in our region.

We welcome the progress made in settling the Lockerbie

matter and congratulate our Libyan brothers on that,

hoping that this file will be closed and this matter

concluded as soon as possible and in a way that will

ensure the rights and interests of all parties.

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Notwithstanding the positive indications and trends,

which we welcome and hope will be strengthened, the

general regional situation is still, to our great regret, far

removed from the comprehensive peace, the lasting stability

and the modes of cooperation, development and progress

that we seek and desire for our region. The Iraqi crisis and

its continuous repercussions on security and stability in the

Gulf and the Middle East, and the cruel suffering of the

fraternal Iraqi people, are all elements that cause great

concern and prompt us to do our utmost in order to put an

end to this crisis. We believe it is high time that we

overcame the Iraqi crisis and found effective solutions to it

so that the sanctions imposed against Iraq can be lifted and

the cruel suffering of its peoples can be terminated. We

have always resorted to diplomatic solutions, in accordance

with international resolutions, in order to ensure the

preservation of the territorial integrity and national unity of

Iraq and to spare it and the entire region further dangers

and agony.

There naturally remains the essential question, which

in our view has been the main source of tension and crises

in our region for more than half a century, and that is the

question of Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. I must

say that we in the State of Qatar, together with our Arab

brothers, have committed ourselves to peace as a permanent

strategic option, a commitment which still stands. However,

the peace process has regrettably failed to attain its

envisaged results. Rather, this process has suffered setbacks

over the past years, the responsibility for which, in our

view, lies with the former Israeli Government, which opted

to retreat from its commitments and pursued policies that

prevented any progress in the peace process and in

negotiations on its various tracks.

We welcome the changes that have taken place in the

Israeli Government as a result of the recent general

elections and in light of the formation of the new

Government under the leadership of Mr. Ehud Barak and

his stated intention to pursue peace more earnestly.

However, we feel that such gestures must be coupled with

concrete steps that would demonstrate good faith on the

Israeli side and sincere readiness to meet its obligations by

implementing the agreements concluded on all tracks during

the previous stages of the negotiations, and to seek a

resumption of the negotiations on the Syrian and Lebanese

tracks as soon as possible, on the basis of the resolutions of

international legitimacy and the principle of land for peace.

Perhaps it suffices here to recall the recent affirmation

by His Highness, Sheik Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani, the

Emir of the State of Qatar, in explaining my country's firm

position on this matter. In our view, there can be no

solution to this conflict nor peace in the Middle East

except through a permanent, just and comprehensive

settlement, based on the established principles that form

the foundations of the peace process. This means the

implementation of Security Council resolutions 242

(1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978); full Israeli withdrawal

from the occupied Syrian Golan Heights to the border of

4 June 1967 and from southern Lebanon and its western

Bekaa valley, to the internationally recognized borders,

and the regaining by the Palestinian people of their

legitimate national and political rights, foremost among

which is their natural right to self-determination and to

the establishment of their independent State, with

Jerusalem as its capital: the city of peace, the land of

tolerance and the cradle of divine revelations, where

religions have always coexisted in harmony and concord.

We must express concern over the continued

presence of weapons of mass destruction in the region,

especially nuclear weapons that are available exclusively

to one side, the Israeli side. In our view, this constitutes

a strategic imbalance and a threat to peace and security.

Therefore, we believe in the need for the complete

elimination of weapons of mass destruction from our

region, as an integral and complementary part of the

peace process. We also call on Israel to accede to the

international treaties providing for the limitation and non-

proliferation of such weapons.

Peace, in our view, cannot be one-sided, nor can its

benefits accrue exclusively on one side. Therefore, we

sincerely look forward to the day when a balanced, just,

comprehensive and genuine peace reigns in our region.

Then we can speak of such advantages and benefits of

peace as security, cooperation, stability, prosperity and

progress for all the States and peoples in our region

without exception.

We look forward to that day because we truly yearn

to see a new Middle East, which enters the new

millennium in a climate of peace, security and

democracy; a climate in which we all respect pluralism of

opinions, diversity of approaches and the right of peoples

and States to self-determination, to better living standards

and to living in freedom, prosperity and dignity, in

conformity with their lofty beliefs and values. This is one

of the basic human rights we cherish. Our belief stems

foremost from our profound belief in God Almighty and

in His divine revelations with which He blessed all

mankind.

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This process of working for a better future and for our

peoples imbues us with the utmost hope that we will be

able to achieve the objective of building a new world

worthy of our young generations which will inhabit it in the

third millennium. As we are about to draw the curtain on

an old century and welcome the dawn of a new one, we

must pledge to our children that we will do our utmost so

that their world will be a better world, more capable and

better equipped to respond to their ambitions and

aspirations.