Poland, 1996

I am pleased to speak before

the Assembly of this universal Organization, where virtually

every country in the world, small or vast, rich or poor, has

a voice, thus making democracy work in international

relations.

At the outset, I should like warmly to congratulate

you, Sir, on your election to your honourable office. I note

with pleasure that your diplomatic career includes a term as

Ambassador of Malaysia to my country. The delegation of

Poland will do its best to assist you in your important

functions. Let me also pay tribute to Mr. Diogo Freitas do

Amaral, an eminent statesman from Portugal, for the

excellent manner in which he presided over the work of the

Assembly during its fiftieth anniversary session. May I

also express the assurance of my highest appreciation to

Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali.

As a representative of Poland, a country that has

suffered so much war, foreign occupation and partition in

its history of more than 1,000 years, I feel entitled to

convey a simple message: peace is priceless, be it

international, with other countries, or internal, among

social partners. To endure, peace needs solid economic

foundations, sustainable development and growth. Yet

peace remains a supreme value and a precondition of life,

rightly recognized from the outset as a principal objective

of the United Nations.

My country’s very recent experience shows that it is

possible to undertake a profound transformation of a

whole political and economic structure, to defuse a

potential internal conflict through peaceful negotiation.

Having regained full national sovereignty, we were able

to reshape our foreign policy in accordance with the

national interest, to reorient it towards the Euro-Atlantic

structures and to establish and strengthen good-

neighbourly relations with the newly created and/or

profoundly transformed States that now surround us. Is

there another country in the world which, in just a few

years, has seen all of its neighbours, without exception,

change and not as a result of conflict? Sometimes we hear

opinions on an alleged lack of stability in our region,

Central Europe. But it is not true. The case of Poland,

with its stabilizing influence in the region, tells quite a

different story.

I am proud to report to you, Mr. President, that we

have accomplished a lot in the last seven years. Not only

have we built a sound foundation for a new economic and

political system, but we have also succeeded in stopping

our economic decline and have achieved, now for the fourth

year in a row, a high rate of economic growth, which has

encouraged the media to add the Polish eagle to countries

nicknamed “economic tigers”. This has been achieved

through an enormous effort on the part of our people, who

have proved mature enough to pay the price of economic

transformation. We have opened up the economy and the

country. Tens of millions of tourists are pouring in every

year, and millions of Poles travel abroad in all directions.

We have become an attractive place for foreign investment,

which exceeds $10 billion, and we are working on further

improving the conditions in which investment can thrive.

It is not my intention to minimize the challenges we

still face. Yet I strongly believe in our future. The time has

come for Poland, which received help and encouragement

from so many countries during its “Solidarity” revolution

and its historic peaceful transformation based on a political

and social contract, to offer its help to other countries that

undertake great processes of transformation. We can share

our experience, the services of our companies, and the work

of our experts in various fields where transformation is a

must. As an Organization for Economic Cooperation and

Development (OECD) member, Poland is determined to

become much more involved than heretofore in assisting

the developing countries and those in transition.

Our priority in terms of foreign policy is to join the

North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the

European Union. While seeking these memberships, we

treasure friendly relations and multifaceted cooperation with

our neighbours, Russia among them. At the same time,

Poland is fully conscious of its duty to carry its part of the

obligations as a member of the world community, as

manifested by our active participation in the work of the

United Nations and currently as a non-permanent member

of the Security Council. For many years, Poland has

traditionally been among the 10 States fielding the largest

contingents in United Nations peace-keeping operations.

Permit me to make a personal remark. I made the

appeal “Let Us Choose the Future” into the slogan for my

1995 election campaign. May I suggest making this

appeal — choosing, and looking into, the future while

learning from our common past — here in the United

Nations? Old enmities and hatred, both among and within

States, should no longer cast a shadow on the construction

of our common future.

Let me give as an example Poland’s proposal to

delete from the United Nations Charter the so-called

enemy States clause. Indeed, Poland now has close,

friendly relations with its long-time adversary, Germany.

As a tribute to history, we plan to carry out soon joint

manoeuvres of German and Polish military units, and to

contemplate establishing a joint Blue Helmets brigade

consisting of Polish and German soldiers. Would that not

constitute the best signum temporis possible?

This Organization is in acute need of reform to adapt

to the challenges of the next century. There is a pressing

need for the United Nations to confront the future. Its

duty remains to make its Member States aware of global

problems as they arise, to analyse them, and to help

resolve them through multilateral cooperation. To make

this happen, much more is needed than the mere

restructuring of its intergovernmental bodies and the

Secretariat. Bolstering efficiency in carrying out United

Nations tasks through rational downsizing where possible

and necessary is not the only major requirement. More

importantly, it is high time to adapt the United Nations

work programme through innovation and redeployment.

For instance, in Poland’s view the United Nations

should enhance and upgrade its potential in the field of

the protection of human rights through the establishment

of a General Assembly committee on human rights and

humanitarian affairs, while merging the existing Second

and Third Committees into an economic and social one,

and through the elaboration by the Secretary-General of

an agenda on human rights. In addition, in a more long-

term perspective, the creation of a new main body such

as a human rights council might be contemplated.

The United Nations is expected to help parties in

conflict to reach agreement and achieve a just peace. But

peace-keeping forces are useless if there is no will for

peace in the hearts of fighters. It is necessary to

encourage the easing of ethnic, religious and other

tensions before they erupt, or if they already have, after

resolving the conflict. That is why it is vital to expand

preventive action, including diplomatic efforts and post-

conflict peace-building as well as assistance for

reconstruction and development. We are ready to offer

our diplomats, international lawyers, and social and

economic development experts for preventive United

Nations missions and post-conflict assistance efforts.

At the same time it seems essential to address the

question of United Nations rapid reaction, including rapid-

deployment potential, both in the headquarters and in the

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field. We have notified the Secretary-General of our intent

to make available for the rapid reaction component of the

stand-by arrangements our special GROM (Thunder) force,

which proved itself in the Haiti operation. Poland considers

it timely to re-focus the Organization’s attention on

preventive diplomacy and rapid-reaction capability. To

prevent as much as possible and react as quickly as

possible — this is what is increasingly needed in

contemporary conflicts.

Indeed, do we always have to helplessly witness

worldwide bloodshed and misery, so readily served up by

the media, and only afterwards try to help, when it is too

late and more costly, when more money brings less benefit

and whereas an earlier joint action could have saved a lot

of blood and tears for so many countries and peoples? Why

do we not ponder how to substitute a strategy of prevention

and advance action for one of late reaction ex post facto?

This strategy could go beyond a conservative doctrine of

the maintenance of peace and security, covering a rapid and

selective reaction to potential threats arising among and

within Member States, as well as the consolidation of peace

when it is painfully achieved.

I turn now to the crucial issues of the post-cold-war

era: disarmament, arms reduction and averting the spread of

arms through non-proliferation. Poland, which now holds

the presidency of the Conference on Disarmament,

welcomed with great satisfaction the submission to the

Assembly of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty,

and the adoption of the resolution, of which we were

among the sponsors. We now look forward to the broad

endorsement of the Treaty, which I had the privilege of

signing this morning. We must not allow the arduous

efforts of so many States to be wasted. While keeping in

mind the need for eventual nuclear disarmament, partial

steps towards that goal should be given full approval as

they bring it closer and make the world safer, as would the

entry into force of another important legal instrument: the

chemical weapons Convention. Chemical weapons are

sometimes called the nuclear bombs of the poor.

Recent conflicts, however, have shown that mass

destruction can also result from conventional arms, the

stockpiles of which have grown enormously. That is why

we welcome the parallel focus on such arms, including so-

called micro-disarmament, and an early total ban on the use

of anti-personnel landmines.

If the United Nations wants to remain meaningful in

the key areas of its mandate, to be ahead of events,

foreseeing and not merely reacting, slowly and

inadequately, to what life brings with the astounding pace

typical of our times, it should grasp and cope with the

interactive relationship between peace, development and

human rights protection.

All these changes can have the desired effect only in

conditions of sustained financing of programmed

activities. Political will is not enough. The current

financial crisis is propitious neither for the execution of

such activities nor for reform. To enable the Organization

to fulfil its statutory tasks and to reform, its financial

credibility needs to be restored. Member States should not

discount innovative ideas for supplementary financing,

which could enable more activities to take place,

especially in support of developing countries, those in

transition, and conflict-ridden countries. Since

Governments are more often than not reluctant to increase

their dues or their voluntary contributions, or to allow any

form of international taxation on their companies and

citizens, additional funds could be sought from the private

sector.

For instance, the idea of a United Nations trust fund

financed by tax-free donations, mainly from transnational

corporations, could be examined. After all, stability

combined with economic growth and social peace also

benefit such companies. Should their host Governments

create encouraging conditions for them to contribute, such

as common rules for tax reduction, the United Nations

might acquire additional sources of funding, especially for

humanitarian and development support activities. Such a

solution would in no way affect the governmental

character of the Organization if control over the allocation

of the newly acquired additional resources rested with

Governments, and if no conditionality could be introduced

by donors.

I would now like to draw the attention of the

Assembly to what I consider one of the most important

aspects of my statement. I witnessed the terrorist attack at

the Olympic Games in Atlanta in July, and cannot forget

faces expressing shock and tragedy.

Poland is a country that has struggled over centuries

for its own freedom and that of others. We have finally

achieved well-earned greatness and the benefits of

democracy. However, our nation is also paying a heavy

toll for those benefits: open frontiers and increased

migration of people pose threats to the security and well-

being of my compatriots. Organized crime distorts the

image of democratic societies on a national, regional and

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global plane. To combat it, we need the solidarity of all

States, and a concerted effort by all of us.

The international community is faced with the growing

threat arising from seemingly unstoppable manifestations of

transnational organized crime and international terrorism,

which menace both the material and institutional

foundations of our societies. What is especially dangerous

for us and for future generations is that in so many cases

we have been unable to bring criminals to justice. Justice

has been neither done nor seen to be done.

I have received reports that my own country, and the

whole region, faces a steep increase in drug trafficking,

slavery, trade in child sex, and money laundering.

Organized crime is a worldwide phenomenon. It brings

tragedy and suffering to many — the immediate victims

and other innocent people. But it does more: organized

crime leads to the creation of illegal associations and

businesses that infiltrate and undermine legitimate economic

interests and political structures. Organized crime is like a

form of corrosion in societies. Organized crime corrupts

States. Organized crime is a cancer in our communities, a

cancer that we should fight together. Alone, we risk losing

the battle and endangering our security.

I am convinced that only a worldwide effort under

United Nations auspices has any prospect of stopping these

crimes, which threaten democratic freedoms and democracy

itself. Poland believes, therefore, that the time has come to

make a concerted international effort to agree on, and

accede to a comprehensive legal instrument: a convention

designed to enhance cooperation between States and

facilitate the work of law enforcement agencies in fighting

transnational organized crime. I have the privilege to submit

to this Assembly a draft framework convention against

organized crime. It is annexed to the text of my statement,

which has been distributed to members.

The Assembly will note that the draft convention deals

with illicit traffic in drugs and psychotropic substances and

money laundering; traffic in persons; counterfeiting

currency; illicit traffic in or stealing of cultural objects;

stealing and smuggling nuclear material, and the misuse or

threat of misuse of such material to harm the public;

terrorist acts; illicit traffic in or stealing of arms and

explosive materials or devices; illicit traffic in or stealing of

motor vehicles; and corruption of public officials.

The draft text proposes a system of cooperation

between Member States to combat organized crime. It calls

for States either to punish offenders or to extradite them.

We ask States to introduce criminal liability for people

who derive profits from organized crime, wherever such

liability is not already clear. We believe that we should

make United Nations agencies and regional and global

governmental and non-governmental organizations play a

greater role in combatting organized crime.

The draft framework convention is by no means

carved in stone. We call on Member States to discuss and

improve the text. We hope that the Assembly will

determine modalities to assure its speedy and successful

elaboration. I am sure that our common effort will help to

save our societies from the scourge of organized crime.

Approaching the end of the century, the planet is

visibly in turmoil despite the otherwise universally

welcomed end of East-West confrontation and of the

ever-present threat of global conflict. Yet even in the

heart of Europe, we are painfully aware of conflicts, wars,

tragedies, massive disasters, famine and serious economic

difficulties. People often expect the United Nations to

offer a miraculous remedy for all the evils of the world

and to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the

dignity and worth of the human person, and in the equal

rights of men and women, and of nations large and small.

If we just adhere to the Charter, the high roads will

be clear, not only for our time but for the coming century.

We must not betray the high expectations held of the

United Nations. For its part, Poland will not fail to

continue to support the Organization. In today’s

interdependent world, we need a global body to settle our

differences and to ensure orderly global governance to

avert threats to humanity. There is no point in reinventing

the wheel. We are able to adapt what we already have to

what we need now and in the years to come. In essence,

we are looking forward to a more united United Nations

which has chosen the future. As an original Member

State, Poland stands prepared to contribute its share to

making such an endeavour a reality.