Pakistan, 1997

May I begin with a verse from

the Holy Koran:

(spoke in Arabic)

“To each is a goal

To which God turns him;

Then strive together

Towards all that is good.

Wheresoever ye are,

God will bring you

Together. For God

Hath power over all things.” (The Holy Koran, II:148)

(spoke in English)

I convey to you, Sir, and to the nations assembled

here the greetings of our people in this golden jubilee year

of Pakistan’s independence.

Soon after achieving its independence, Pakistan was

admitted to the United Nations. The half-century of

Pakistan’s and the United Nations existence has been

eventful. Through years of upheavals and dislocations,

through turbulence and brief moments of tranquillity, we

now stand at the threshold of a new century and a new

millennium. The theme of world affairs has been

transformed.

During these 50 years, Pakistan has demonstrated its

commitment to the principles and purposes of the Charter

of the United Nations in word and deed. We have

fulfilled our obligations to this Organization. We have

adhered to its resolutions. We have contributed politically

and materially to its collective endeavour to build peace

and promote prosperity. We are especially proud of our

contribution to United Nations peacekeeping operations

worldwide.

I wish to commend the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi

Annan, for his determination and vision in carrying out

his responsibilities. I would like to assure him that

Pakistan will, as always, support all initiatives for the

realization of the objectives set out in the United Nations

Charter.

We are fortunate to have a person of your stature

and experience, Sir, to guide this session of the General

Assembly. The items on its agenda are important and

consequential, particularly the crucial issue of United

Nations reform. I wish you every success.

Doctrines of confrontation and containment are no

longer valid. The new idea of our times is that of global

partnership between the North and the South, the East and

the West. The United Nations must forge this global

compact. The creed of our era is peace and development.

This is what the United Nations must focus on as it

strives to bring about organizational reform. We support

the process of reform in the United Nations. In pursuing

this objective, we must bear in mind our successes and

failures of the past 50 years. The centrality and sanctity

of the Charter must be preserved as we move towards

reconfiguring the United Nations.

The United Nations today stands at the brink of

bankruptcy. The reform cannot and must not be victim to

the narrow strategic, political and administrative

preferences of a chosen few as a means of regaining the

Organization’s solvency. True reform has to take into

account the interests of all. The United Nations is a

universal Organization of 185 States and their 6 billion

people. The purpose of its creation was to serve the

interests of all humankind. This should be the guiding

principle for its reform.

There is undoubtedly need for reform. The map of

the world has been redrawn. Many new States have

emerged since 1945, when the United Nations was

established. The reform that is envisaged must be

designed to facilitate the objectives for which the United

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Nations was created: to promote global peace, security,

cooperation and prosperity.

More than mere lip service must be done to the

principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter, such as

the sovereign equality of all its Members and equal rights

for all nations, large or small. The emergence of five veto-

wielding permanent members of the Security Council was

the consequence of an unfortunate afterthought. It was

completely incompatible with the democratic ethos of the

United Nations Charter. The result was the impotence and

inaction of the United Nations during the cold war years.

The legitimization and enlargement of the privileged club

of veto powers would deal a crippling body blow to the

ability of the United Nations to carry out its responsibilities.

The contours of a multipolar world are gradually

emerging. In the event of a resumption of great-Power

rivalries, the proliferation of the veto will once again freeze

the Security Council into irrelevance.

It is ironical that the countries which practice

democracy at home and advocate it abroad should want to

create a new aristocracy of States. Any decision on Security

Council reform that is not backed by the consensus of all

the Member States of the United Nations will erode the

credibility and undermine the legitimacy of the Council and

of the United Nations.

The Charter of the United Nations rejects hegemony.

International peace and security have to be built through

cooperative efforts. This entails the resolution of disputes

through negotiations, mediation and arbitration. It means

removing the causes of war and conflict. It involves the

promotion of global prosperity and development. It

necessitates adherence to the resolutions of the United

Nations, particularly those of the Security Council.

The enforcement of peace should be undertaken only

in response to actual acts of aggression or breaches. It must

be pursued collectively and fairly, not imposed arbitrarily

by the strong over the weak. Nowhere does the Charter

provide for pre-emptive penalties against States for arms

proliferation or presumed threats to peace.

A central weakness of the United Nations is that some

members are expected to pay their contributions to its

budget fully, unconditionally and on time, while others

delay payments. The principle of capacity-to-pay-is fair; it

should not be unilaterally discarded. At the same time,

alternate sources of funding have to be explored in order to

make the United Nations immune to pressure, unhealthy

influence and hostile onslaughts.

The intention of the Charter was to place the United

Nations at the apex of the system of international

organizations that were created at the end of the Second

World War. The Charter rightly perceived political,

security, economic, social, cultural and humanitarian

issues to be interrelated. It therefore called for

coordinated approaches and policies to address those

issues. To achieve this, it is essential for the United

Nations to become the central link for the entire family of

international organizations, without exception. Only then

will the world community be able to address successfully

the host of diverse, complex and interrelated problems it

confronts.

On its fiftieth anniversary, Pakistan — like the

United Nations — has embarked upon the course of

reform and renewal. In this endeavour, we are inspired by

the eternal ideals of Islam in which justice, equity and

human rights, especially those of women and minorities,

are the central pillars. Islam draws no distinction between

creeds. It accepts all religions. Thus, the Holy Koran

declares:

(spoke in Arabic)

“Say ye: We believe

In God, and the revelation

Given to us, and to Abraham,

Isma¯ ı¯l, Isaac, Jacob,

And the Tribes, and that given

To Moses and Jesus, and that given

To (all) Prophets from their Lord:

We make no difference

Between one and another of them:

And we bow to God (in Islam).'” (The Holy Koran,

II:136)

(spoke in English)

My Government is vigorously addressing the

political, economic and social problems we inherited from

the past. We have taken measures to consolidate

parliamentary democracy through constitutional means; to

restore financial equilibrium through austerity and

structural adjustments while enhancing business incentives

and economic liberalization; to combat corruption, drugs

and terrorism — which is often sponsored from abroad —

through effective law enforcement and speedy and fair

justice.

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These policies have yielded dividends. We look to the

future with hope and optimism. Our economy is open and

dynamic. Domestic and foreign investment is growing

rapidly. Our people are imaginative, skilful and hard-

working. We have demonstrated that we can master the

most advanced technologies. We can now deter external

aggression. With confidence in ourselves, we seek

friendship and cooperation with all our neighbours on the

basis of equality.

Pakistan strives for peace and stability in its region.

We seek an early end to the conflict in Afghanistan; a just

and fair settlement of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute in

accordance with the resolutions of the United Nations; an

end to the wasteful arms race in South Asia; and the

development of the immense economic and commercial

potential of South and Central Asia.

We have the courage to strive for peace and the

wisdom to know that it is essential for development. South

Asia, with one-fifth of the world’s population, remains

mired in poverty and deprivation. I call upon India to join

us in liberating our peoples from the dreadful grip of

poverty. This can only be achieved by removing the causes

of conflict and hostility.

The conflict that has ravaged Afghanistan for almost

two decades must be brought to an end. No country in the

world has suffered more than Pakistan as a consequence of

the turmoil. We therefore have a vital interest in the

restoration of durable peace and stability in Afghanistan.

Towards this end we have been in contact with all Afghan

groups in support of the efforts of the United Nations

aimed at promoting an intra-Afghan peace process.

We favour no faction in Afghanistan. We have

recognized the present authorities in Kabul, as we did the

previous entities that controlled the capital. We have

encouraged moderation and dialogue so that a stable, multi-

ethnic Government can emerge. We request the Secretary-

General of the United Nations to take specific initiatives for

the early restoration of peace and the preservation of the

sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Afghanistan.

My Government has also taken initiatives to resume

the stalled dialogue with India. We had agreed last June on

a comprehensive agenda and a mechanism to deal with all

issues, including the core issue of Jammu and Kashmir, in

a sustained manner. We have, unfortunately, not yet

succeeded in setting up the agreed mechanism to launch

substantive negotiations on all the issues on the agenda of

our dialogue. We hope that India will reciprocate our

sincerity of purpose in substantively addressing all the

issues and carrying forward this process of dialogue to a

positive outcome.

The resolutions of the Security Council define

Kashmir as a disputed territory whose accession to either

Pakistan or India is to be determined through a plebiscite

supervised by the United Nations. Under the Simla

Agreement of 1972, India agreed to a final settlement of

the Jammu and Kashmir dispute with Pakistan.

The existence of the Kashmir dispute cannot be

denied. The right of self-determination is sacrosanct. It

has repeatedly been affirmed by the United Nations. The

people of Kashmir are justified in asking why this pledge

by the international community has not been honoured as

yet. The Security Council cannot be selective in the

implementation of its resolutions.

The Kashmiri people have risen against Indian

occupation. Their resolute struggle for the restitution of

their fundamental rights belies the claim that Kashmir is

an integral part of India.

I am sad to say that the repression of the people of

Jammu and Kashmir continues unabated. More than

600,000 Indian troops in Kashmir continue to brutalize

the people. Custodial killings, disappearances, arbitrary

arrests and summary executions are daily occurrences.

Thousands of Kashmiri civilians have been killed, while

32,000 languish in detention centres. I learned just this

morning of the shelling of Arin in Kashmir by the Indian

forces yesterday, a mortar attack in which 11 persons

were killed and 12 injured. Six children and three women

were among the dead. This is an altogether familiar

occurrence in occupied Kashmir.

If India is serious in its allegation that the conflict in

Kashmir is being stoked by interference from Pakistan it

should have no hesitation in allowing the United Nations

observers present in Kashmir to verify this claim. We

hope that the United Nations will increase the number of

these observers and ask India to allow their stationing on

its side of the line of control as well.

The international community has a responsibility to

bring about a just settlement of the Kashmir dispute. The

pledge of self-determination given to the people of

Jammu and Kashmir has to be redeemed. On our part, we

welcome the offers made by the Secretary-General, the

United States and others to help in resolving the Kashmir

dispute.

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My Government will persevere in the dialogue with

India for the sake of our people and the peoples of South

Asia. We hope that India can be persuaded to take some

steps to create a climate conducive to the success of the

talks. These could include, first, a halt in its campaign of

repression against the people of Kashmir; secondly, the

withdrawal of at least those Indian troops which are

engaged in internal repression in Kashmir; and, finally, the

evolution of a mechanism to take into account the wishes

of the Kashmiri people, as stipulated by the United Nations,

for a final settlement.

It is imperative now to negotiate arrangements to

strengthen peace and security between India and Pakistan.

Since 1974 Pakistan has pursued its proposal for a nuclear-

weapon-free zone in South Asia. On the other hand, India

has taken successive steps to escalate its nuclear and

missile capabilities. What does India mean when it

repeatedly asserts that its nuclear option is “open”? Does

this imply that, like chemical weapons, India has already

manufactured nuclear weapons? In the absence of any

assurances to the contrary, Pakistan will have to assume the

worst.

India’s nuclear-capable Prithvi missile is being serially

produced. These missiles specifically target Pakistan. They

have been moved adjacent to our borders. This creates a

hair-trigger security environment. The development and

possible deployment of the medium-range Agni missile and

India’s planned acquisition of theatre missile-defence

systems will further aggravate this tense security

environment. It will evoke the natural response from

Pakistan to safeguard and augment its security and

deterrence capability. India must be persuaded to reverse its

missile programme.

To preserve peace and stability in South Asia and

beyond, we propose that Pakistan and India should reach

agreement for mutual and equal restraint in the nuclear and

ballistic fields. In this context, we are deeply concerned

about India’s acquisition of missiles and its plans for the

acquisition of anti-missile systems. We also propose a

similar arrangement for mutual and equitable restraint on

conventional weapons which ensures equal security to both

Pakistan and India.

We are prepared to conclude and strengthen

confidence- building measures. As a first step, we could

agree on a set of principles to guide future bilateral arms-

control arrangements.

We believe that a just settlement of the Jammu and

Kashmir dispute and progress on the issues of peace and

security will usher in an era of amity and progress in

South Asia. To facilitate the realization of this objective,

I offer today, from this rostrum, to open negotiations on

a treaty of non-aggression between Pakistan and India.

There are many areas in which we can cooperate for

mutual benefit. Trade liberalization can take place on an

equitable basis. Significant foreign investment can be

drawn to the region.

In the expectation that the Pakistan-India dialogue

will have made a heartening advance by next year, my

Government intends to host a regional economic summit

in 1998, which could help to open new vistas for

economic progress and prosperity for our region.

All this and much more can be achieved if India

joins us in pursuing our current dialogue to its successful

culmination. We have demonstrated our sincerity of

purpose. It is for India to reciprocate.

Located at the nexus of Central Asia, South Asia and

the Middle East, Pakistan can contribute to and gain from

the economic growth and interaction between these

dynamic regions. The United Nations and its family of

organizations have a crucial role to play in generating

prosperity and restoring peace with justice to these vital

regions of the world.

Today, I wish to renew Pakistan’s commitment to

the United Nations, to its purposes and principles and to

its vision of a world where genuine peace reigns and

prosperity is universal. The vision of the founding fathers

of the United Nations must continue to serve as a beacon

guiding us across the uncharted waters of the coming

millennium. The Charter of the United Nations and its

timeless principles provide us the anchor to weather

turmoil and turbulence. Let us renew our determination to

defend and preserve this anchor of hope and faith. Let not

political expediencies infringe or erode the fundamentals

of international cooperation enshrined in the Charter.

We in Pakistan, who had dared to dream of freedom

50 years ago, are resolved to defend freedom — freedom

from war, oppression, injustice, poverty and deprivation.

Let us all move together towards realizing the vision of

the United Nations.

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