Lithuania, 1994

I sincerely thank you,

Sir, for the honour and opportunity of addressing this

forum, and I extend my congratulations to you upon your

election to lead the forty-ninth session of the General

Assembly.

In this Hall, we see representatives of the entire world,

a world in which there has been unprecedented global

change. Our planet is growing more unified in all areas of

life; economic and political integration is well under way.

Nations, States and entire continents are drawing closer

together. It is unfortunate that not all changes lead to

progress. A new avalanche of problems confronts the

United Nations and other international organizations,

affecting rich and poor countries alike.

I fully concur with Secretary-General Boutros

Boutros-Ghali in his belief that today as never before our

international community needs a new and forward-looking

vision of our future. The time has long been ripe for us

to discuss within the United Nations agenda the creation

of a new and universal concept of development that

would embrace peace, economic development, a clean

environment, social justice and democratic governance as

the five spokes supporting the wheel of humanity’s

progress. It is clear, I believe, that our generation must

take up the task of rediscovering the world and building

within it new, mutually supportive relationships. One of

the fundamental instruments at our disposal in this global

task is the United Nations.

On the eve of the fiftieth anniversary of the

establishment of the United Nations, it is appropriate to

recall the circumstances of its creation. It is important

that we examine the strengths and weaknesses of the

United Nations predecessor, the League of Nations. We

must learn from this analysis so as to ensure that the

United Nations shall not become a mere bystander to

world events. It is true, of course, that the global

situation today is fundamentally different from that which

existed at the outbreak of the Second World War. We no

longer suffer from the presence of dictatorial bandit States

led by fanatics. But potential dangers exist today; they

are multifaceted and have spread throughout the world.

Together we must overcome racism, hatred of

foreigners, fanatical nationalism and intolerance. If we do

not, these demons, once having manifested themselves in

men, communities or entire nations, could destroy the entire

world.

Today I would like to take note of a historic day for

Lithuania, the Baltic States and all of Europe. It is all the

more significant in that the General Assembly will discuss

at this forty-ninth session, the complete withdrawal of

foreign military forces from the territories of the Baltic

States, as called for by a General Assembly resolution

adopted at the forty-eighth session. On 31 August 1993 the

withdrawal of the Russian military from Lithuania was

completed, and exactly one year later the same historic

event took place in Estonia and Latvia. That date also

coincided with the withdrawal of Russian troops from

Germany. This harmony of dates is more than merely

symbolic: it marks the resolution of one more consequence

of the Second World War.

Guided by the principles of the United Nations

Charter, Lithuania continues to broaden its international

relations in a consistent manner. The goals and priorities

of our economic, social and foreign policies remain

unchanged.

Lithuania seeks to secure democratic government and

the principles of a free market, and at the same time to

ensure the well-being of its people and the protection of

minority rights. Lithuania is confronted with serious

problems of a social character common to all young

democracies.

Yet at the same time, we must also recognize what has

already been accomplished. Lithuania has a stable

currency. Inflation is under control. The private sector

already employs the majority of the work force. A vibrant

and innovative market continues to grow. After four years

of dramatic decline, the standard of living has been

stabilized, although it is still rather low. An attractive legal

environment has been ensured for foreign investment.

We attach great value to the bilateral and multilateral

assistance to the process of democracy-building and free-

market reforms. Western interest in and attention to the

restored democracies of Central Europe is vital not only for

us, the recipients of such assistance, but for the future of a

unified Europe. Today the future of the West can no

longer be considered in isolation from developments in the

East.

We benefit from successful cooperation with Estonia

and Latvia, our closest neighbours, with whom we share

a common history and common fate. This year a

permanent body, the Baltic Council of Ministers, was

established. But as we look to the future, this will not be

enough. If the Baltic countries are to become integrated

members of Europe, then the establishment of a common

visa and economic space can only be the first step of

many. It is imperative that our foreign and defence

policies be even more closely coordinated and that we

harmonize our legislation in accordance with the norms of

the European Union.

I believe that all the countries of our region face

new opportunities with the establishment of another

cooperative body approximately one year ago: the

Council of Baltic Sea States. This region has great

potential. It is home to countries large and small,

economically strong and less developed, that not so long

ago were separated by the front lines of the cold war.

The Baltic Sea States are unified by many common

goals as well as problems. Sadly, in recent days we have

also shared a common tragedy. I wish to express my

deepest condolences to the Governments of our

neighbouring countries and to the people whose loved

ones perished in the catastrophe that befell the ferry M.S.

Estonia.

As I speak of our neighbours, I must also point to

our relations with Belarus. We are heartened by the new

possibilities of concluding a treaty on inter-State relations

between our two countries. The signing of such a treaty

will further secure the principle so valued by our nations:

good-neighbourly relations.

Lithuania attaches particular importance to its

relations with Russia. As neighbours, we are very

interested - perhaps even more so than other countries -

in the success of the democratic and free-market reforms

in that country.

Russian relations with Lithuania and the other Baltic

States today are a reflection of the current Russian

position concerning the evolving European order, one in

which old divisions are disappearing. We would like to

hope that the new Russia will adhere to the principles of

international law and will not obstruct the integration of

the Baltic countries into European political, economic and

security structures. This would be a clear signal that the

democratic reforms undertaken in Russia are irreversible

and that new lines of division will not be drawn in

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Europe. It would reaffirm that Russia does not seek to

isolate itself from the West and that, on the contrary, it

trusts the West and seeks cooperation with it on an equal

basis.

Given Lithuania’s geopolitical situation and our

economic opportunities, we can and are prepared to be a

bridge between East and West. But I also want to

emphasize that a future as a buffer State is completely

unacceptable to us.

Several days ago, in his address to the Assembly,

Russian President Yeltsin stated that it was essential to

reject the imposition of one’s will on weaker States and to

build a new order, founded on law and morality. I express

my hope that democratic Russia will adhere to these

responsibilities and thus justify the growing trust of the

international community in its future.

One year ago I said from this podium that Lithuania

would welcome steps toward the gradual demilitarization of

the Kaliningrad district. Today I can state with satisfaction

that Russia is reducing its military presence in that area.

Lithuania, whose territory is traversed by transit to this

Russian enclave, is not indifferent to the future of the

Kaliningrad district and the Lithuanian minority residing

there. Occupying a unique place on the map of Europe, this

Russian territory demands special attention. It could

become a stone in the foundation of security and an

attractive economic partner or, under less favourable

conditions, a source or even exporter of military threat and

unrest. Lithuania proposes to examine issues pertaining to

the Kaliningrad district as part of the round-table

mechanism established by the European Stability Pact. We

hope that all interested parties will give their support to this

initiative.

In concluding a fundamental bilateral Treaty with

Poland this year, we have closed a chapter of our common

history. From the start of the 1930s and the outbreak of

conflict over Lithuania’s capital of Vilnius, relations

between us were tainted by open confrontation, a state of

affairs still remembered in the halls of the Palais des

Nations in Geneva. I believe that this Treaty, which

recognizes and confirms the present borders of our

countries, can be considered the final rapprochement for

Lithuania and Poland. As we greet the future, Lithuanians

and Poles will be able to make their rightful contribution to

a unifying Europe.

We also strive to establish closer ties with other

countries of Central Europe. We share not only a similar

history, but also current problems and future goals. I am

convinced that the convening of a meeting of the leaders

of all Central European States in the very near future

would benefit our countries. Such a conference would

allow us to discuss our common reform experiences and

our strategies for drawing closer to the European Union.

Participation in multilateral and international forums

provides new opportunities for Lithuania. An ever-

increasing number of important political decisions are

today being reached in international organizations. This

is especially beneficial for small and medium-sized States.

Lithuania sees the guarantee of its security, stability

and well-being in joining European political, economic

and security structures. Lithuania has always been an

integral part of European civilization and culture. We

have never lost our European heritage. Our recent 50year

separation from the world did not sever our roots. Our

goal remains membership in the European Union. We

have already concluded a free-trade agreement with the

Union that should come into affect next year. We also

expect soon to sign an agreement on associate

membership with the Union.

Integration into the European Union cannot be

considered in isolation from the broadening of

qualitatively new ties with the Western European Union.

Lithuania is an associate partner of this defence

organization of ever-increasing importance. We believe

the strengthening of the role of the Western European

Union to be both logical and necessary.

I am also convinced that the security and stability of

my country and the region demand closer cooperation

with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

Lithuania has presented its formal request for membership

in that organization and will continue resolutely to seek

the fulfilment of this goal. Lithuania’s participation in the

Partnership for Peace programme opens new avenues for

Lithuanian cooperation in efforts with Europe, the United

States and Canada in their endeavours to prevent conflict

and maintain peace. We firmly hope that our active

participation and that of other Central European States in

the Partnership programme will have a positive impact on

the broadening of NATO.

The expansion of NATO eastward would not pose a

danger or threaten any European State. Russian fears of

isolation, I believe, are groundless. We welcome Russia’s

joining in the Partnership for Peace and hope that its

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participation in the programme will contribute to the

strengthening of mutual trust and stability.

I should like to take note of several concerns of a

more global character, the burden and urgency of which are

particularly felt by the countries in transition. Our

well-founded fears are heightened by the continuously

growing gap between the developed and developing

countries. Can we truly speak of a stable Europe when the

hourly wages of a laborer in the European Union are equal

to one day’s pay in Central Europe and, in some countries

of Eastern Europe, to a month’s income? If this

unfortunate tendency is allowed to continue, a wave of

despondency and instability may overflow all barriers.

The young democracies of Central and Eastern Europe

are confronted by dangers posed by organized crime, illegal

migration and trafficking in narcotics and, most horribly, in

nuclear materials. These are the unfortunate negative

consequences of our rejoining the world; without the

necessary experience, they are difficult to address. We

require coordinated and concrete assistance.

We live not only in a time of great changes, but also

in a world of great contrasts. As we celebrate the historic

transformation of Europe, the stunning successes in the

Middle East peace process and the end of apartheid in

South Africa, we are nevertheless witnessing continuing

tragedies and conflicts all over the world.

The efforts of the international community, expressed

through the United Nations, do not always achieve their

desired results. The main reason for this is the inability to

enact decisive measures. This is particularly evident when

large countries are for any reason drawn into local conflicts,

leading to a clash of their global interests. In such cases,

the timely removal of built-up tensions becomes difficult.

If we fail to avoid conflict, its containment and reduction

become painful and long-term, often leading to the death of

Blue Helmets in the execution of their peace mission. It is

therefore crucial that we join forces to improve the conflict

prevention mechanism. In this regard, we support the

initiative of Germany and the Netherlands to improve

cooperative relations between the United Nations and the

Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE).

Every State must contribute in a tangible way towards

the creation of a peaceful and stable world. This must be

the responsibility of everyone. It would be inappropriate

for any country to seek to achieve its own interests or

expand its sphere of influence under the guise of

peace-keeping missions. There are criteria which must be

followed in this regard - namely, the principles of the

United Nations and the CSCE. These principles must, in

my opinion, apply to all countries, including the Russian

Federation. We cannot agree to allowing countries to

carry out peace-keeping missions in any given

geographical space without the consent of the parties to

the conflict or the proper international mandate. I would

like to emphasize my conviction that the principles of

international law must be adhered to by all States, small

and large.

With the end of the cold war and the spread of

democracy, old global divisions begin to disappear. It is

vital that this continue. Those who believe that a new

delineation of spheres of interest can bring stability to the

world are mistaken. We who have felt the consequences

of such divisions of influence can testify that this would

only bring about new conflicts and upheaval.

The United Nations has a particular significance for

small and medium-sized States - in other words, the

majority of countries. These States suffer first when

instability and mutual distrust take root in the world. In

an anarchic world, guided only by an ad hoc order, small

States are the first to fall victim to larger interests. Small

States experience with considerable pain the negative

side-effects of global changes; they are the true front-line

States. We have only to look at the front pages of the

world’s newspapers. Bosnia, Rwanda, Tajikistan - all of

these are small States struggling with tragic historical

legacies.

At the same time, if there exist guarantees for their

security, small States develop rapidly and bring their own

contributions to the international community. I firmly

adhere to my remarks, made a year ago in this Hall, that

"the future of a more integrated world lies in

democracy and the individuality of free nations."

(Official Records of the General Assembly, Forty-

eighth Session, Plenary Meetings, 7th meeting,

p. 14)

This individuality and diversity do not have to divide us.

Quite the opposite - they will enrich us.

Lithuania became a Member of the United Nations

three years ago. Until now, Lithuania was perhaps a

passive recipient of the assistance and security this

membership provided. Today Lithuania seeks to

contribute actively to the undertakings of the international

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community to strengthen security and stability throughout

the world.

Together with Estonia and Latvia, Lithuania is in the

process of establishing a Baltic peace-keeping battalion

which will be fully operational in the very near future.

With the consent of the Lithuanian Parliament, a group of

Lithuanian peace-keepers, serving within a larger Danish

battalion, is today a part of the United Nations Protection

Force stationed in Croatia. I take this opportunity to thank

Denmark and the other countries that provide continuous

assistance in the creation of Lithuanian and Baltic

peace-keeping units. In the future, within its financial

capabilities, Lithuania will continue to participate in similar

United Nations peace-keeping and humanitarian missions.

With the expansion of United Nations membership, the

range of issues we are asked to discuss within the United

Nations has also increased, imposing new responsibilities

and new demands on the Organization. It is very important

that the international community be properly represented in

the Security Council. Lithuania therefore supports

proposals to expand the membership of the Council,

creating new permanent as well as non-permanent seats.

One of the principle guarantees of international

stability is respect for fundamental human rights and

freedoms and their development and defence. It was, of

course, within the framework of the United Nations that the

first landmark international human rights documents were

adopted.

We believe the establishment of the office of High

Commissioner for Human Rights to be a timely decision.

The High Commissioner must become the overall

coordinator of United Nations activities in the field of

human rights. The world clearly needs an institution that

can rapidly and effectively report human rights violations,

particularly those which pose a danger of escalating into

prolonged conflict. Such reporting would enhance the

policy of preventive diplomacy.

Lithuania continues along the difficult road of reform,

maintaining a relatively high human development index, as

reflected in the United Nations Development Programme’s

1994 report on human development, where it is in twenty-

eighth place. We are well aware of the particular

circumstances of this high ranking and of the fact that it is

calculated with the use of rather distorted gross national

product statistics. Unfortunately, the use of these distorted

figures has led to excessive contributions to the United

Nations and to a reduction in assistance provided.

At the same time, Lithuania, like other Central

European countries, has despite the odds achieved a high

level of development in education, science and culture.

This, too, is reflected in the human development index.

This state of affairs has two aspects. As Lithuania cannot

effectively finance these areas from its own resources, an

overall decline is unavoidable. Another possibility

remains: with the help of the United Nations and other

organizations, the decline may be halted in the fields of

education, science and culture. If the existing foundation

is protected, recovery in the economic and social fields

will follow more rapidly. Adopting this second solution

would be less costly and more effective than allowing a

collapse of the system.

Lithuania, like other formerly central-command

economies, has inherited environmentally damaging

technologies. While we have witnessed political and

economic change, the restoration of a balanced

environment in our countries will take many years and

require financial resources.

As the possessor of a powerful nuclear energy

facility, Lithuania is particularly concerned about nuclear

safety. Here, I wish to express our particular gratitude to

Sweden and other Western European partners for

assistance they provide to increase the safety of our

nuclear energy programme.

Lithuania welcomes the increased attention that

international environmental organizations are giving to the

concerns of our region. I believe that combined efforts

are capable of producing results much sooner than we

first imagined. But, for this to occur, we must be assured

that assistance provided by the United Nations will not be

reduced. Of particular relevance to my country is the

transfer of environmentally sound technology and

know-how. An ecologically aware civilization must

become the goal of our era.

If the international community does not provide the

necessary assistance and cooperation the situation in our

region could change for the worse. The countries of

Central and Eastern Europe receive a small portion of the

technical assistance provided by the United Nations, but

it is employed in our region effectively and with visible

results.

Here I should like to welcome the reforms initiated

by the Secretary-General. We now see the first results of

the restructuring, and we are satisfied with the progress.

We are particularly encouraged by steps taken to increase

5

managerial and policy-making accountability within the

Secretariat, as well as the simplification and streamlining of

the decision-making machinery. Lithuania supports and

pledges its full cooperation with the new Office of Internal

Oversight.

I would also draw attention to the fact that the United

Nations Charter still contains certain outdated concepts

concerning enemy States. These are a relic of the Second

World War. Therefore, I believe Articles 53 and 107 of the

Charter ought to be amended.

One of this year’s most important international events

was the International Conference on Population and

Development held recently in Cairo. Next year the United

Nations will continue the tradition of transcontinental

forums. The world social Summit in Copenhagen will

afford us an opportunity to put people’s concerns at the

centre of social policy. This is of particular relevance to

countries whose economies are in transition, where people

carry the burden of rapid economic, social and political

change.

The World Conference on Women, to be held in

Beijing, will address the key question of how, in times of

awesome change, men and women can work together for a

peaceful world in which equality and harmony will be the

norm and reality of life.

At the beginning of my address I spoke of the wheel

of human development being supported by five basic

principles. Today we clearly face a time for decisions.

Either that wheel will turn, slowly but surely, through the

joint efforts of us all, taking us towards ever higher plains

of progress, or it will stop turning, and if it stops it will

inevitably begin to roll backwards - to chaos and barbarity.

As humanity crosses into a new millennium, we must

not allow the wheel to stop turning. This demands the

collective action of all States and peoples. That is why we

must always remind ourselves that no organization in the

world today can equal the authority, longevity, dynamism

and vitality of the United Nations.

That which divided nations, States or continents

cannot achieve alone they can and will achieve together as

the United Nations. I am convinced of this, as there is no

alternative.