Liberia, 1995

I congratulate Mr. Diogo Freitas

do Amaral on his assumption of the presidency of the

fiftieth regular session of the United Nations General

Assembly. We note his laudable accomplishments in the

diplomatic service of his country, and feel assured that

through his stewardship of this historic session a new

paradigm will emerge to direct intercourse among nations

of the world.

I also wish to convey the appreciation of the Liberian

delegation to his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Amara

Essy, a distinguished son of Africa, for the skilful manner

in which he conducted the work of the forty-ninth session.

We commend our able and renowned Secretary-

General, His Excellency Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for his

unrelenting devotion to charting a new course for the

United Nations, in spite of formidable odds. Moreover, we

are particularly pleased with the fervent attention that he

continues to give to a peaceful resolution of the Liberian

civil conflict, as well as to the post-war reconstruction of

Liberia.

I stand before this body in celebration of the larger

freedom that is personified in the survival and success of

the United Nations and my country, Liberia. Both were

born out of the visions of individuals who dared to stand

on higher ground, while others wallowed in fear, hatred,

racism, doubts and dismay. Half a century ago my

country was proud to be one of three African nations

among the 51 States that assembled in San Francisco,

California, to participate in the creation of the United

Nations, culminating in the signing of its Charter.

The United Nations was born because “We the

peoples” from diverse cultural backgrounds, represented

by our Governments,

“determined ...

to reaffirm [our] faith in fundamental human rights,

in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the

equal rights of men and women and of nations large

and small”.

To demonstrate our commitment to these fundamental

rights, the principle of sovereign equality was enshrined

in the Charter of the Organization and later buttressed, in

1948, by the adoption of the Universal Declaration of

Human Rights.

One and a quarter centuries before the birth of the

United Nations, we the people, from diverse cultural

backgrounds represented by individuals and organizations

which believed in the larger freedom as a measure of

man’s dignity and greatness, gave birth to the Liberian

nation in times perhaps more vexing and troubling than

the birth period of our United Nations. But we the people,

determined to escape the degradation to which we were

exposed by the denial of the universality of human rights

and the commonality of human nature, fled to freedom in

pursuit of the very principles for which this Organization

stands.

We ought to celebrate the survival and success of

the United Nations and my country, Liberia.

Symbolically, they represent the higher nature of man,

which compels him to acknowledge that no human being

is inferior or superior to another. Just as a man’s life

“consisteth not in the abundance of the things which

he possesseth”, (The Holy Bible, Luke 12:15)

the greatness of any people or nation is not measured in

the abundance of things which they possess.

8

The survival and success of the United Nations for

half a century have destroyed the myth that it is Utopian to

organize sovereign nations on a global level in the pursuit

of international peace and security. Liberia’s survival as an

independent State since 1847 also destroyed the myth that

Africans were incapable of self-governance. As one of the

three African founding Members of the United Nations,

Liberia’s independence and involvement in international

affairs served as a beacon of hope for peoples of African

descent engaged in their legitimate struggle against colonial

domination. It lent diplomatic and moral support to the

decolonization of Africa and other regions of the world and

forcefully voiced its opposition to apartheid in South

Africa.

As more nations of Africa became independent,

Liberia offered them a hand of friendship, brotherhood and

solidarity. In particular, Liberia adopted and pursued a

policy of peaceful coexistence with its neighbours and was

a principal advocate of a functional approach to African

unity. This led to the formation of the Organization of

African Unity (OAU), the Economic Community of West

African States (ECOWAS) and other entities fostering

economic cooperation between the African peoples.

In this connection, my delegation is immensely

pleased to celebrate the practical actualization of the vision

of three distinguished sons of Africa — Kwame Nkrumah

of Ghana, Ahmed Sékou Touré of Guinea and William V.

S. Tubman of Liberia — as we note that an independent

Africa is observing and actively participating in the fiftieth

anniversary of the United Nations.

The fiftieth regular session of the General Assembly

is convening against the backdrop of tremendous changes

in the international system. The peace euphoria which was

inspired by the end of the super-Power confrontation has

long dissipated and the world is far from being a peaceful

and just place. Simmering inter-State disputes, violent civil

conflicts and resurgent nationalism, carried to the extreme,

have led to the disintegration of several States and

threatened international peace and security. The

unfavourable consequences of this situation are the loss of

many innocent lives and massive refugee flows, particularly

in Africa. Unfortunately, my country, Liberia, has not been

spared from this onslaught.

The Liberian peace process must be viewed in the

totality of Liberia’s history. From the Declaration of

Independence in 1847 to the present, the Republic of

Liberia has been besieged and buffeted by internal and

external forces which hold diametrically opposing views

relating to the universality of human rights and the

commonality of human nature, as well as to the

appropriateness of political and economic utilitarianism,

where powerful external forces — Governments,

multinational corporations, international organizations and

so on — manipulate and exploit human and material

resources in Liberia to the detriment of the country. This

is a reality that cannot be wished away.

Although these views may be based solely on

ignorance, it is this same ignorance which fuels the fire

of war and destruction around the world, manifesting

itself as racism, “ethnic cleansing”, tribalism, religious

persecution and so on. Thus, for those who believe that

the African is less than human or is incapable of

governing himself, the existence for almost a century and

a half of a politically stable and peaceful Liberia with

strong economic potential is undesirable.

Liberia, which was founded — about half a century

before the Berlin Congress of 1884, which carved out

Africa and institutionalized colonialism — as “an asylum

for free people of colour” fleeing the hot crucibles and

bitter pangs of slavery, was threatened with partition and

trusteeship by the League of Nations, predecessor to our

beloved United Nations, half a century after that colonial

Congress. Ironically, the charge was slave trading.

Although the Liberian Government was grievously at

fault, and while we roundly condemn slavery of any kind,

that attempt by the League of Nations to undermine

Liberia’s sovereignty was a sinister, hypocritical

subterfuge whose only purpose was to perpetuate a racist

myth rooted in a very destructive ignorance. This was not

in the best interests of Liberia or Africa, for no nation,

international organization or earthly Power can will

Liberia out of existence.

Roughly half a century after this unsuccessful

attempt by the League of Nations, Liberia experienced the

bloody overthrow of its constitutional Government. The

political-legal structure had become too rigid and

insensitive to the cries of the overwhelming majority of

the people, who wanted to be included in the social,

political and economic structures of the country. The

erstwhile experienced leaders failed to provide the

required navigational changes. The execution of these

political leaders, who had navigated the ship of State in

turbulent times, and the first imposition of military rule

affected more than 13 decades of political stability. The

attendant dislocations in our national fabric culminated in

the civil war that brings us here today.

9

Over the past six years, our country has been at war

with itself, trying to right injustices among the people of

Liberia while maintaining the sovereignty of the nation,

including the right to determine our own destiny. To some

on the outside, this war has appeared very senseless — and

it may be so in the sense that most wars are senseless. On

the other hand, we believe that we will emerge out of this

as a stronger and more united people in a nation where we

will regard ourselves as human beings first and foremost

and where the national identity will take precedence over

tribal or ethnic identity.

Thus, our efforts to seek peace when agreements are

broken should be lauded instead of ridiculed. This reflects

our history as a peace-loving nation. We cannot apologize

for desiring peace more than war. The Abuja Agreement

will hold and usher in a new dawn for Liberia; but even if

it did not hold, we would still pursue peace, ignore those

who prefer war to peace and strike another deal for peace

and democracy. We are optimistic and will not give up on

ourselves. We ask the Assembly not to give up on us.

We have consistently maintained over the course of

this war that a military solution was neither desirable nor

achievable; we have consistently advocated a balance of

forces and a Government of inclusion.

In this connection, we commend ECOWAS for its

humanitarian intervention in the Liberian crisis. Although

mandated to promote the economic integration of the

subregion, its action was a necessary concrete manifestation

of unique African solidarity and has afforded Liberians the

opportunity to resolve their differences through civil

discourse.

The primary objective of the Liberian people has been

the attainment of a just, comprehensive and durable peace

through a political settlement of the conflict. The basic

components of the agreements reached by the parties and

subsequent resolutions adopted by the Security Council

centred around the following objectives: combatants would

be disarmed and rehabilitated; sufficient security guarantees

would be established to facilitate the resettlement of

displaced persons and the repatriation of hundreds of

thousands of Liberian refugees; internationally supervised

elections would be held in accordance with an agreed

timetable; a democratically elected administration would be

installed; and the international community would lend the

requisite assistance for the economic and social

rehabilitation of Liberia.

Through the sustained diplomacy of the Economic

Community of West African States, complemented by the

Organization of African Unity and the United Nations,

and the willingness of the parties to continue negotiations,

a final agreement was reached in Abuja, the Federal

Republic of Nigeria, on 19 August 1995.

In celebration of Abuja, we hereby announce our

profoundest gratitude to former President Jimmy Carter

and current President William Clinton of the United

States of America, ECOWAS Chairman President Jerry

John Rawlings and his Special Facilitator, Captain Kojo

Tsikata, both of Ghana, President Sani Abacha of Nigeria,

President Nicéphore Soglo of Benin, the late President

Houphouët-Boigny and current President Konan-Bédié of

Côte d’Ivoire, President Blaise Campaoré of Burkina

Faso, President Lansana Conté of Guinea, President

Abdou Diouf of Senegal, President Ali Mwinyi of

Tanzania, President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda,

President Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia, former

President Sir Dawda Jawara, and current Head of State

Captain Yahya A. J. J. Jammeh of Gambia, former

President Moussa Traoré, and current President Alpha

Oumar Konaré of Mali, and former President Joseph

Saidu Momoh and current President Valentine Strasser of

Sierra Leone.

Special thanks also go to all the Presidents and

Foreign Ministers of the ECOWAS Committee of Nine,

the former Executive Secretary of ECOWAS, Mr. Abass

Bundu, and current Executive Secretary Mr. Edouard

Benjamin, OAU Secretary General Salim A. Salim, and

OAU Eminent Person, former President Canaan Banana,

members of the United Nations Security Council,

Secretary-General Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali and his

Special Representatives, Trevor Gordon-Somers and

Ambassador Anthony Nyakyi, all non-governmental and

humanitarian organizations in Liberia, the commanders

and troops of the Cease-fire Monitoring Group of

ECOWAS (ECOMOG), the United Nations Observer

Mission in Liberia (UNOMIL), the member States of

ECOWAS, the OAU, the European Union, the United

Nations and all the friends of Liberia for helping us help

ourselves. We also congratulate the Liberian people for

their patience, sacrifice, understanding and maturity as we

navigate through turbulent waters to peaceful waters.

Unlike previous agreements, the Abuja Agreement

to supplement and amend the Cotonou and Akosombo

Agreements, as subsequently clarified by the Accra

Agreement, provides for a six-man collective presidency

comprising the leaders of the principal warring parties and

10

three civilian representatives. They are: His Excellency

Professor Wilton S. Sankawulo, Chairman, His Excellency

Mr. Charles Ghankay Taylor of the National Patriotic Front

of Liberia (NPFL), His Excellency Lt. General Alhaji G. V.

Kromah of the United Liberation Movement of Liberia for

Democracy (ULIMO), His Excellency Mr. George E.

Saigbe Boley of the Liberian Peace Council (LPC), His

Excellency Mr. Oscar J. Quiah of the Liberia National

Council (LNC), and His Excellency Chief Tamba Tailor,

joint nominee of the NPFL and ULIMO, as Vice Chairmen.

The very fact that the present collective presidency is

functioning and deliberating with unanimity of purpose is

reason to celebrate. Each of the six is uniquely and pre-

eminently qualified to lead Liberia, but they have relegated

their personal ambitions to work collectively as leaders of

reconstruction.

The Agreement also retained two cardinal principles

of the ECOWAS peace plan. The first requires the

Government of Liberia to enter a Status of Forces

Agreement with ECOWAS regarding the status of

ECOMOG in Liberia. This is being worked on at present.

The second forbids the Chairman of the Council of

State from contesting any position in the ensuing elections.

Other members of the Council, the Vice Chairmen of equal

status, and officials of the Transitional Government may

seek elective office, but are required to resign from the

Government prior to the elections.

The first signs of adherence to the Abuja Agreement

came when, on August 26 1995, a general cease-fire was

re-established. On 1 September 1995, the new Council of

State was installed in office. Shortly thereafter, a new

cabinet of the Liberian National Transitional Government

(LNTG) was named and inducted into office. The National

Legislative Assembly, the Supreme Court of Liberia and the

Elections Commission are functioning in accordance with

law.

As disarmament is crucial to a complete and timely

implementation of the Abuja Accord, I am pleased to report

that ECOMOG has begun the deployment of its troops in

many parts of the country, and has taken over command of

most of the checkpoints hitherto controlled by the parties.

Also, most of the major highways and roads in the country

are gradually and steadily reopening for the unimpeded

movement of individuals and goods.

The installation of the Council of State marks a new

beginning in the peace process. It points towards a final

peaceful resolution of the Liberian crisis and has raised

the hopes of Liberians, who believe that the process is

now irreversible.

Now we must confront the all-engaging task of

fostering national reconciliation, unity and the economic

rehabilitation of the country. There are clear signs that

Liberians earnestly desire to turn the swords of

destruction and death into ploughshares of cultivation and

rebuilding. They have placed much faith in the democratic

option, which will empower them for full participation in

the affairs of their country through civil discourse, as

opposed to armed confrontation.

Like all countries which have had to make the

transition from conditions of war and utter deprivation to

conditions of peace and development, Liberia now stands

in urgent need of substantial assistance from the

international community. Help is also required for the

rehabilitation of children traumatized by the war and for

the reintegration of former combatants into civil society,

where their energies can be redirected to productive

activities.

Beyond these pressing needs the private sector,

which is very vital to the long-term economic recovery

and development of Liberia, must be revived. Therefore

we appeal to our investment partners to return with their

expertise and financial resources.

We welcome the Secretary-General’s decision to

hold a pledging conference for Liberia at the United

Nations on 27 October 1995 for the demobilization and

reconstruction of Liberia, as well as assistance for

ECOWAS in the implementation of its mandate.

As we Liberians forge ahead in a determined effort

to restore peace in our country and embark on the

reconstruction programme, it is imperative that the

international community should provide the requisite

support and encouragement to the new Liberian

leadership.

In this connection, we recall that earlier this year the

Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity

adopted resolution 1585 on Liberia which, inter alia,

called on the international community to “recognize and

give full faith and credence to the current Liberian

National Transitional Government and its successors”.

It is my Government’s firm belief that the full

implementation of this recommendation by Member States

11

will serve to revive and strengthen the bilateral relations

between Liberia and friendly Governments by accelerating

the reconstruction efforts of the country.

To my compatriots let me say that ours is a country

that went to war with itself. In the process, all Liberians

have suffered or experienced some loss. We empathize with

their grief, pain, anguish and frustration. We must now

assuage our hurt by rising above our differences and

coalesce into a strong, unified nation, determined to move

forward to a better and prosperous future. No matter how

well disposed to help us our friends and sympathizers of

the international community may be, the challenge is ours

to rebuild Liberia. I can only appeal to and plead with those

friends and sympathizers to be messengers of forgiveness

and love. We have a unique opportunity to participate in

the redemption of our common patrimony — Liberia, a

reality greater than our individual selves. Let us seize this

historic moment.

Our representation before this body would certainly be

incomplete without a reflection of my Government’s

position on the many difficulties and the prevailing sense of

frustration persisting on the international political scene.

However, the recent efforts to reach a permanent solution

to the seemingly intractable crisis in the Middle East

represent a positive step in the right direction. In this

connection, we view the recent signing — on 28 September

1995 — of the agreement reached between Israel and the

Palestinian National Authority as a significant milestone.

We also salute Israel and Jordan for the Treaty signed on

26 October 1994 regarding mutual reconciliation, and we

urge other Arab States in the region to emulate this bold

initiative.

On the question of limiting nuclear and conventional

armaments, my Government believes that nuclear non-

proliferation is only the first step to the ultimate goal of

complete prohibition. In this connection, we view the recent

indefinite extension of the Non-Proliferation Treaty as an

act that strengthens the international non-proliferation

regime and enhances the maintenance of world peace and

security.

The conflict in the former Yugoslavia — especially in

Bosnia and Herzegovina — and the crises in Rwanda,

Sierra Leone, Somalia and Burundi continue to be a source

of much concern to the international community. My

Government welcomes the important role played by the

international community — particularly the United Nations,

the Organization of African Unity and the Economic

Community of West African States, the European Union,

the United States and the Russian Federation. We also

call on the parties to the conflict to refrain from further

military action and to opt for a negotiated settlement, to

the mutual satisfaction of all the parties concerned.

With respect to reform of the Security Council,

Liberia calls for either expansion of the membership of

the Council or modification of paragraph 3 of Article

27 — Chapter V — of the Charter to conform with

paragraph 2 of the same Article, to enable the larger

membership of the United Nations to participate in the

process of decision-making. We believe that either or

both of these steps would make the Council not only

more representative, but also more democratic and

transparent. The proposed reform is also intended to

ensure balance between the requirements of efficiency and

expansion, transparency in the Council’s methods of work

and optimum utilization of the resources of those States

that can contribute significantly to peace-keeping

operations and development activities.

The rationale for our call lies in logic, democracy,

equality and the Charter of the United Nations. When we

signed the Charter half a century ago there were three

African countries among 51 nations. Today the African

membership has increased to approximately 52 nations

among a total of 185. The five permanent members of the

Security Council are from three of the five continents of

our world — Asia, Europe and North America. The

continent of Africa ought to have at least one permanent

member, to be determined by the African countries

themselves.

In his inaugural address at this historic session the

President of the Assembly averred that if the United

Nations is to maintain its unique character as an

international Organization that is truly universal, efforts

should be made to ensure that all States which are not yet

Members can be admitted in the near future. My

delegation fully supports this position and recalls that

when we signed the Charter of the United Nations the

five permanent members of the Security Council were the

Republic of China, France, the Union of Soviet Socialist

Republics, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and

Northern Ireland and the United States of America.

Contrary to the principle of universality, the People’s

Republic of China was not included. We are happy that

24 years ago the General Assembly restored the lawful

right of the People’s Republic of China to membership of

this Organization, in keeping with the Charter’s principle

of universality and the reality that that country is the

world’s most populous nation.

12

Twenty-four years later, we note that 20 Member

States from Africa, Asia, the Caribbean and Latin America,

in a letter to the Secretary-General, requested that the

exceptional situation of the Republic of China on Taiwan

be examined by the General Assembly at its fiftieth session.

My Government firmly believes that the unification of

China should be peacefully pursued and that it is a matter

for the Chinese people themselves to determine at some

time in the future. However, we note that there were two

Germanys in the United Nations until their reunification a

little over five years ago and that there are still two Koreas,

both of which are now Members of the Organization. We

have confidence in the ability of the United Nations to deal

properly with this long-standing matter so that the

unification of China may be peacefully pursued by the

Chinese themselves.

We wholeheartedly welcome the recent progressive

trends in the world economic spectrum. However, we also

remain mindful of the persistent inhibitive factors that

continue to account for the slow and unbalanced growth of

the global economy. In spite of the increase in the number

of developing countries now participating as key players in

the world economy, the magnitude of increasing poverty for

more than 1 billion people of the world leaves much to be

desired. The gap between developed and developing

countries continues to widen, not only reflecting the

marginalization of the developing countries but also

undermining efforts aimed at securing access to

international trade, communications and the flow of vital

information.

Meanwhile, there is also a crisis of official

development assistance, caused by stagnation and a

reduction in assistance sources. It is worth noting that there

is a need for increased cooperation if anything is to be

achieved in addressing these distracting issues. One

approach would be to reconsider the agreement regarding

the developed countries contributing 0.7 per cent of gross

national product to the assistance programmes for the

developing countries. The economic situation in most

African countries is critical and precarious. It is true that

the global economic situation affects all developing

countries, but its impact on sub-Saharan Africa is

tremendous.

While we recognize that the development of Africa is

primarily our responsibility, concerted efforts by the

international community and donor countries will

complement the national efforts of African Governments in

reversing the negative trend of their economies.

As regards the role of women in development, we

believe that the full and equal integration of women into

the development process at all levels is a central goal. We

fully support the Conferences that were held in Cairo and

Accra and in Taiwan earlier this year, and we are also

committed to the successful implementation of the

decisions reached at the 1995 World Conference on

Women, held recently in Beijing, with the theme “Action

for Equality, Development and Peace”.

Liberia — a Founding Member of the United

Nations — although encumbered by a fratricidal war, is

proud of its modest contribution since the formation of

the Organization, particularly in respect of the

decolonization of Africa and its aspirations for economic

growth and development. As the country emerges from

war, it pledges anew its commitment to the Organization.

It is our firm belief that the United Nations offers the best

hope for a just and more equitable world. Member States

are therefore challenged to pool their resources and work

together, not as competitors but as equal partners aligned

in a common pursuit.

Liberia is determined to regain its rightful place, by

virtue of its long history and involvement in the struggle

for peace, cooperation and the prosperity of all peoples,

in the comity of nations.

During the past half-century of its existence, the

United Nations has endeavoured to maintain international

peace and security and remain responsive to the needs of

the public that it serves. Today, its responsibilities have

increased to cover urgent humanitarian emergencies which

require the deployment of tremendous resources. It is

hoped that the corresponding support will be forthcoming

from Member States.

When the United Nations succeeds, the great

majority, who depend on the services it provides, are

lifted from misery, suffering and deprivation. That is the

basic principle we should bear in mind as the

Organization enters its fifty-first year of existence. The

United Nations, in spite of its perceived shortcomings,

which we must collectively seek to overcome, represents

mankind’s legitimate aspiration to be truly our brother’s

keeper. Let us rededicate ourselves to this important

objective to ensure our survival and that of succeeding

generations.