Israel, 2006

These days, the days of the

general debate of the General Assembly, fall this year

at a time of unique significance for the Jewish people.

They come on the eve of the Jewish New Year and the

Day of Atonement and are known as the Days of Awe.

In Jewish tradition, these are days of soul-

searching and prayer, of judgement and of renewal.

That concept of reflection is fitting not just for the

faithful. It should be a time of reflection for nations as

well. Let us use this time and this gathering to look

deeply and honestly at the world in which we live —

the world as it is and as it might be. The United

Nations emerged from the horrors of war and offered a

vision of a new and peaceful world, but we see the

suffering of the people of Darfur, we see bloodshed and

violence across the globe, and we know that that is not

yet the world in which we live.

Our planet remains torn by conflict, At its heart,

this is a conflict about values — a battle of ideas. It is a

conflict about whether to respect or to reject the

other — a conflict between tolerance and tyranny,

between the promise of coexistence and the

hopelessness of hate. We see it played out in internet

chat rooms and in houses of prayer, in classrooms and

newsrooms, on the battlefield and in the corridors of

power. It is the challenge of our time.

We, the people of Israel, have lived for many

years on the frontlines of this conflict. Our nation has

felt its fury; our soldiers have fought and died in its

battles. An ancient people in the heart of the Middle

East — great in history but small in number — we

have been a constant target of those that oppose our

very existence. We face this conflict on different

fronts — as Jews against the dark forces of anti-

Semitism, as Israelis against the enemies of our

statehood, and as members of the free world against

the merchants of global terror.

We have been guided in this conflict by two core

values that are embodied in our declaration of

independence and shape our national identity. The first

is that Israel, with Jerusalem at its heart, is the national

homeland of the Jewish people, their refuge from

persecution, their first and last line of defence. The

second is that Israel is a democracy and that the values

of justice, peace and humanity — first expressed by the

prophets of Israel — are an integral part of our nation’s

sense of mission. We share the same values as the

community of democratic States. We are ready and

proud to be judged by them. They are our own.

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But too often there is a gap between perception

and reality. Too often, Israel is not seen for its unique

creativity and spirit of enterprise, or for its

contribution — well beyond its size — to the sciences

and to literature, to human development and

innovation. In many parts of the world, we are seen

mainly through the lens of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

And too often, that lens is distorted. To many, this

conflict is portrayed as a clash of David and Goliath,

with Israel perceived unjustly as Goliath, but this

simplistic image ignores the fact that Israel remains a

threatened democracy in a hostile region.

We have, of necessity, the capacity to defend

ourselves, but we will always be constrained in its use

by our values. And yet, we face an enemy willing to

use all the means at its disposal to kill without restraint

and without distinction. Every innocent casualty in this

conflict is a tragedy. There is no difference between the

tears of a grieving Israeli mother and a grieving

Palestinian mother, but there is a critical moral

difference between the terrorists who hunt down

civilians and the soldiers who target terrorists while

trying to avoid civilian casualties.

To protect its integrity, the international

community must uphold that basic moral distinction.

Terror is terror, even when it is called resistance. It

cannot be justified and it cannot be equated with the

actions of those seeking only to defend themselves

against it.

If we want to protect our values, it is not enough

to believe in them — we must act according to them.

There is no greater challenge to our values than that

posed by the leaders of Iran. They deny and mock the

Holocaust. They speak proudly and openly of their

desire to wipe Israel off the map. And now, by their

actions, they pursue the weapons to achieve that

objective, to imperil the region and to threaten the

world. The moment of truth is here.

The international community is faced with no

greater responsibility than to stand against that dark

and growing danger — not for Israel’s sake, but for its

own; for the sake of the values it claims to embrace;

for the sake of the world we all wish our children to

inherit. What more needs to happen for the world to

take the threat seriously? What more needs to happen

to end the hesitation and the excuses? We know the

lessons of the past. We know the consequences of

appeasement and indifference. There is no place for

such leaders in this forum. There is no place for such a

regime in the family of nations.

For any who still had doubts, the Iranian threat

was exposed to all in the recent conflict in Lebanon.

Armed, financed and directed by Iran, Hizbullah

kidnapped Israeli soldiers and targeted Israeli cities,

but it was the hopes of an entire region that they sought

to take hostage. Out of the conflict — and because of

Israel’s response to it — opportunity has emerged, but

much is needed to turn opportunity into reality.

Hizbullah can never again be allowed to threaten the

future of the region. The world faces a critical test —

to ensure the full implementation of resolution 1701

(2006) and the immediate and safe release of the Israeli

hostages.

As we gather here, we think of anxious families

that ache for the return of their loved ones — parents

waiting for a son, a brother for a brother, a wife for a

husband. Israel will not rest until all the Israeli

hostages are returned safely to the arms of their

devoted families and to the embrace of a loving nation.

Let us all make them the same promise today.

Last year, a great leader of Israel, Ariel Sharon,

stood before this forum and said:

“The Palestinians will always be our neighbours.

We respect them and have no aspirations to rule

over them. They are also entitled to freedom and

to a national, sovereign existence in a State of

their own.” (A/60/PV.5, p.46)

That was not only the voice and vision of one

man. It is the voice and vision of a nation. We do not

believe that Israeli-Palestinian relations are of

necessity a zero-sum game. Not every Israeli interest is

at odds with Palestinian interests. There is, in fact, a

common vision that binds together Israelis, moderate

Palestinians and the international community. It serves

the goals of both peoples and represents the basis of a

genuine and lasting peace. At its heart is the vision of

two States, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in

peace and security. Israel believes in this vision, and

from this vision we have drawn our principles for

peace.

The first is inherent in the very idea of two

States. For the Jewish people, Israel was established to

be our national homeland. It was the solution for

Jewish refugees and the realization of Jewish rights.

And this is the true calling of the future State of

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Palestine: a national homeland for the Palestinian

people — the solution to Palestinian claims, the

fulfilment of Palestinian dreams, the answer for

Palestinian refugees, wherever they may be. If

Palestinian leaders are unwilling to say this, the world

should say it for them. Instead of giving false hope, it

is time to end the exploitation of the refugee issue and

to begin to resolve it on the basis of the vision of two

States, two homelands.

That is the real and only meaning of the two-State

vision. It requires each people to accept that their

rights are realized through the establishment of their

own homeland, not in the homeland of others.

The second principle for peace is drawn from the

concept of living in peace and security. On the basis of

this principle the international community has insisted

that the State of Palestine that emerges next to Israel

cannot be a terror State. A terrorist State is the last

thing our troubled region needs. It is for that reason

that the road map requires an end to terror. It is for that

reason that the international community has demanded

that any Palestinian Government fulfil three basic

conditions: renounce terrorism, recognize Israel’s right

to exist and accept existing Israeli-Palestinian

agreements. Those conditions are not an obstacle to

peace or to the establishment of a responsible

Palestinian State; they are a crucial ingredient for the

realization of those goals.

An end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict will also

require agreement on a common boundary. There are

those who believe that if only we could turn back the

hands of time to 1967 all would be resolved. But, in

1967 there was no Palestinian State; there was no link

between the West Bank and Gaza; and there was no

commitment to lasting peace. A two-State solution

requires the creation of a new reality which never

existed in the past. For it to succeed, both sides will

need to commit themselves to compromise and to

believe in coexistence.

If only we could end the conflict today. But we

have learned from bitter experience that to reach

lasting peace it is not enough to have a vision. Peace

must be built on the solid foundations of shared values,

not the shifting sands of false promises. Without this,

the political horizon will always be out of reach. We

have seen negotiations doomed by mistrust and

frustration. We have seen them lay the ground for

greater violence, not greater understanding. We cannot

afford to repeat that experience.

Unfortunately, the Palestinian Authority is

dominated today by a terrorist organization that teaches

children to hate and seeks to transform the conflict

from a resolvable political dispute into an endless

religious confrontation. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict

is the consequence and not the cause of this ideology

of intolerance and hatred. We cannot reach peace by

ignoring these realities. We cannot find the solutions

for tomorrow without addressing the problems of

today.

But we also cannot give up hope, and I refuse to

do so. In a Middle East where being moderate is often

the same as being weak, our challenge is to empower

the peacemakers and disempower their opponents. The

road map phases and the three international conditions

are designed precisely for that purpose. But if the

world hesitates in enforcing these standards, the

extremists sense opportunity. And if it appeases, they

sense victory. This is the moment for determination not

half-measures and vague formulations. It is the

moment to demand that those Palestinian leaders that

believe in peace determine the future on these terms,

not on the terms of terrorists.

Unfortunately, there are no shortcuts on the road

to peace. But stagnation is not in our interest, and it is

not our policy.

It is in this spirit that Israel embarked on the

painful process of disengagement, to create an

opportunity for progress. But, sadly, we received terror

in return. And it is in this spirit that I met with

Chairman Abbas two days ago, and we agreed to re-

energize the dialogue between us and create a

permanent channel to pursue ways to advance together.

The parties do not need another forum to act out their

differences, and the only forum that will resolve them

is the bilateral negotiating table. We have no illusions

about the difficulties before us. We must face them not

ignore them. But we can advance along the road to

peace if we have the strength to defend its principles

and the courage to confront its enemies.

In these days, while Jews prepare to welcome a

new year, Muslims around the world prepare for the

holy month of Ramadan. As two great faiths begin their

annual journey of reflection and decision, let the

nations of the world begin it too.

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The Jewish prayers tell us that this is a time of

decision not just for individuals but also for States:

“which for the sword and which for peace, which for

famine and which for plenty”.

Those are sobering words, but they are also

empowering ones. The message of these special days is

that no future is predetermined; no conflict is

inevitable. It is up to us to make the right choices.

History will judge us by them. In the words of the

traditional greeting: may the curses of the last year

end; may the blessing of the new year begin. Shana

tova: may it be a good year.