Iran, 1995

May I at

the outset congratulate President Freitas do Amaral of

Portugal on his well-deserved election to the presidency of

the fiftieth session of the General Assembly of the United

Nations and assure him of the full cooperation of the

delegation of the Islamic Republic of Iran at this

important session, which coincides with the fiftieth

anniversary of the United Nations.

Less than a month from today, Members of the

Organization will assemble in this very Hall to celebrate

a half-century of operation of the United Nations. Fifty

years ago, when the bitter events and experience of the

Second World War were omnipresent, the original

Members decided to establish an organization “determined

to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war”.

They signed the Charter of the United Nations, the result

of two months of negotiations and compromise among the

participants at the San Francisco Conference, which was

to serve as the framework and the guide to prevent war

and promote the economic and social advancement of all

nations, large and small.

However, it is generally acknowledged that shortly

after the establishment of the Organization, the spirit of

cooperation and friendship gave way to bloc politics and

rivalry, which led to the cold war and effectively

prevented the achievement of the objectives enshrined in

the Charter. It would not be excessive to point to the

antipathy between the two blocs as the principal cause of

wars, underdevelopment of the third world, suppression of

liberation struggles of nations under foreign domination,

and interference in the internal affairs of others. It was

this mentality, prevalent in the bipolar world, which in

effect denied the Organization the opportunity to fulfil its

obligations completely, and which circumscribed the

extent of participation by Member States in the

decision-making process and brought about the dominance

of a few countries.

After 50 years of turbulence, the United Nations is

now in one of its most sensitive periods. Although many

problems and obstacles of the past no longer exist, a new

set of challenges have appeared, each of which has taken

the credibility, efficiency, relevance and ability of the

Organization to task, and which provide opportunities and

responsibilities to bring into conformity the modus

operandi of international relations in general and the

Organization itself in particular, with the purposes and

principles of the Charter.

Today the United Nations faces these challenges and

opportunities at a time when it remains the only truly

universal organization. This universality of the

Organization can naturally put tremendous resources at its

disposal to facilitate the achievement of the principles and

25

objectives of the United Nations Charter, particularly the

maintenance of international peace and security, the

promotion of economic and social development, justice and

mutual cooperation, and place it in a better position to deal

with emerging challenges in a more efficient and

distinguished fashion.

What should be of the utmost importance to the

Organization is the extent to which Member States

participate in its decision-making process. In fact, if we

define and assess the universality of the Organization in

terms of the wide participation by Member States in its

decision-making process, and not merely in terms of the

number of its Member States, and direct all our efforts to

strengthening such universality, we will contribute

tremendously to enhancing the credibility, authority and

ability of the Organization. In other words, when public

participation of all Members as sovereign States is

guaranteed in decisions of the Organization and their

implementation, then the possibility of the exerting of

undue influence and dominance by a few States to shape

the approach of the Organization vis-à-vis international

issues according to the limited confines of their own

national interests diminishes to a large extent.

Regrettably, even in the current international

environment, certain Members continue to adopt unilateral

actions contrary to the provisions of the Charter, and

thereby exhibit an absence, for their part, of the spirit of

international cooperation.

The arrogant approach and attitude of the Government

of the United States of America towards the international

community, and the unsuccessful attempts of the American

foreign policy establishment to exploit issues of global

concern, such as terrorism and the proliferation of weapons

of mass destruction, to advance an extraneous and

illegitimate agenda represent a most vivid and indeed

dangerous manifestation of such unlawful unilateral

measures.

The United States Secretary of State must put to rest

the illusion that his Government can become both the judge

and the policeman of the global community. Nor should he

expect others to follow American pressures against

independent States brought to bear with the sole objective

of pleasing Zionist pressure groups even at the expense of

disregarding the interests of the American people.

Perhaps they still do not really believe in the

fundamental principle of the sovereign equality of States

that constitutes the cornerstone of the United Nations and

that requires each and every Member of the Organization

to play its role in securing the objectives of the Charter.

This mentality is unfortunately the unwelcome heritage of

the cold-war period when, owing to the nature of bloc

rivalries, States Members of the United Nations were

viewed, not as independent, sovereign equals, but as

members of power blocs. The unfortunate natural by-

products of such a world view are inequality, hegemony,

disrespect for the interests and spiritual values of other

nations, disregard of the choices and opinions of the

majority, preference for the short-term interests of the

minority and self-serving interpretations of the rules and

principles of international law.

It seems imperative, therefore, that in the new

international political environment all organs of the

United Nations, particularly the Security Council, should

adopt substantive and procedural measures to facilitate the

full integration and participation of all Member States.

The Security Council, which constitutionally represents

the general membership of the Organization and acts on

its behalf, should muster the requisite political will to deal

with all crises on the basis of principle and the same set

of standards and should avoid preference for the interests

of powerful States over the interests and choices of the

majority in order to discharge its responsibilities in

accordance with the Charter. To achieve that objective

some structural, substantive and procedural reforms in the

work of the Council, including democratization and

transparency, are inevitable and will enhance the

credibility, efficiency and relevance of the Council as the

representative of the general membership.

At the same time, I should emphasize that the most

important organ of the United Nations, the one that is the

manifestation of the principle of sovereign equality and

affords direct participation to all Member States, is the

General Assembly. Therefore, strengthening this important

organ and ensuring the accountability of other organs,

particularly the Security Council, before the General

Assembly will guarantee full and more meaningful

participation by the Organization’s general membership in

its decisions and their implementation. This will go very

far towards strengthening true universality and providing

the most effective guarantees for the implementation of its

decisions.

In the past few years, following the end of the cold

war, we have witnessed increased efforts to formulate

new sets of international standards in various political,

social and economic spheres. A thorough review of the

final documents of recent international conferences clearly

26

illustrates that, notwithstanding the conceptual and

normative transformations which the international

community has undergone in the formulation and

expression of its concerns and recommendations, it has

legitimately stood firm on the need to respect the

fundamental principles that preserve the very fabric of our

diverse and pluralistic world. For instance, concepts and

phrases such as “the necessity and importance of upholding

full respect for the spiritual and ethical values, national and

regional particularities, as well as different historical and

cultural backgrounds of countries”, and “the necessity of

homogeneity and conformity in final documents and

recommendations of international conferences with the

purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and

the prevalence of a spirit of international cooperation and

consensus in their implementation and follow up” have

been incorporated and reaffirmed in the final documents of

the World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna, the

International Conference on Population and Development in

Cairo, the World Summit for Social Development in

Copenhagen, and the recently held Fourth World

Conference on Women in Beijing.

This clearly attests to the fact that while the

international community has taken it upon itself to adopt a

just and non-discriminatory approach through international

cooperation towards the protection and promotion of all

human rights, including the right to development, as

universal, indivisible and interdependent rights, it continues

to insist on the absolute imperative of guaranteeing that in

the process of international standard-setting, promotion and

protection, the sanctity of the principle of the national

sovereignty of all States is respected and that no nation’s

religious values and beliefs and cultural and national

identity are infringed.

Furthermore, the Charter of the United Nations

recognizes international cooperation in economic and social

issues as necessary for the maintenance of peaceful and

friendly relations between States. Unfortunately,

notwithstanding this emphasis, because of the conditions

prevailing in international relations, both during and after

the cold war, the importance and centrality of issues related

to economic and social development have not received due

consideration.

In addition, at a time when the North-South gap

continues to widen on a daily basis, the world economic

trend, manipulated by unilateral actions and protectionist

policies on the part of the developed countries, also tends

further to debilitate the potential of the developing countries

to deal with the adverse impacts of international economic

development. In this connection, we welcome the

Secretary-General’s “Agenda for Development” and

announce our intention to participate actively in the

deliberation of it. We firmly believe that post-cold-war

opportunities should be utilized to their maximum

potential so as to place issues of economic and social

development at the centre of the United Nations attention.

Hence, there is a renewed need for recommendations

about and practical measures for expansion of the role of

the United Nations in promoting the economic

development of developing countries, as well as full and

rapid implementation of relevant agreements and

internationally agreed upon objectives in this field. In this

connection, the fundamental principle that States have the

right to benefit from the utilization of their own resources

that are vital for their sustained economic growth and

development in accordance with their national policies

and priorities must not be neglected.

Another key characteristic of the post-cold-war era

is the expansion of peace-keeping operations, which have,

in recent years, demanded an increasing share of the

energy and resources of the Organization. Nevertheless,

the expansion of United Nations peace-keeping operations

should not take place at the expense of its activities in the

area of development, which constitute one of the most

effective measures for preventing the occurrence of

tensions and conflicts as well as for ensuring tranquillity

and stability. The Islamic Republic of Iran, along with

other non-aligned countries, supports the United Nations

peace-keeping efforts in principle, but emphasizes that all

Member States that are willing and able to participate in

such operations should be treated equally and without

discrimination. In like manner, while a unified United

Nations command structure is essential for successful

peace-keeping operations, its leadership should not be the

monopoly of a handful of States.

Although the United Nations has been successful in

returning peace and stability to some volatile parts of the

world, its disregard for some important principles has

resulted in the failure of the Organization to resolve other

crises that still rage. Let me emphasize that it is

absolutely imperative for the United Nations fully to

respect fundamental principles, including national

sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-interference in

the internal affairs of States in all phases of the

establishment and execution of peace-keeping operations.

The Islamic Republic of Iran, eager to contribute

more actively to this growing area of United Nations

27

activity, announces its readiness in principle to participate

in United Nations peace-keeping operations in accordance

with our tenets and the fundamental principles of the

Charter. Here, I deem it necessary to reiterate the

preparedness of the Islamic Republic of Iran to dispatch

peace-keeping forces to Bosnia and Herzegovina, which we

had earlier committed along with other Islamic countries to

strengthen the United Nations Protection Force

(UNPROFOR) in order to enable it to discharge effectively

its mandate to protect safe areas.

We hold the firm view that if the Security Council had

at least provided the necessary mandate or committed the

necessary forces for the protection of the safe areas,

including through taking advantage of the assistance offered

by the Islamic countries, the Bosnian Serbs could not have

continued, with relative ease, their crimes of genocide

against the defenceless people of United Nations-declared

safe areas. However, the lack of political will to suppress

aggression and to deal effectively with non-compliance with

United Nations decisions, coupled with the unreasonable,

immoral and legally baseless insistence by some on

extending the arms embargo against the former Yugoslavia

to the victim of its aggression have in fact proven to the

Serbs that they can continue with impunity their murder,

destruction, aggression, “ethnic cleansing” and genocide.

Since the outbreak of the crisis, Islamic countries,

including the Islamic Republic of Iran, have adopted a

constructive position and called for international

cooperation in finding a just and peaceful resolution of the

conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The recent decision of

the joint meeting of Foreign and Defence Ministers of the

Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) Contact

Group and troop contributing countries to establish the

“Assistance Mobilization Group” in order to address the

humanitarian, economic, legal and defence requirements of

the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a proper

approach to this tragedy in keeping with the principles and

purposes of the United Nations.

This decision, along with the previous declaration by

OIC member States of their readiness to dispatch a

sufficient number of peace-keepers to Bosnia, as well as

their declaration on the “de-jure inapplicability” of the arms

embargo on Bosnia and Herzegovina are not only solidly

based in international law, the United Nations Charter and

humanitarian principles, but also emanate from the

considered assessment that without a proper military

balance, it would be impossible to compel the Serbs to

engage in serious negotiations or to guarantee the

unhindered implementation of any negotiated settlement.

In this connection, the Islamic Republic of Iran

welcomes the recent cooperation between the two Contact

Groups, and holds that only a plan which does not entail

recognition of the fruits of “ethnic cleansing” and

guarantees the national sovereignty and territorial integrity

of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a Member of the United

Nations can restore peace and stability to the region.

Furthermore, it is necessary in any peace negotiations to

accord the non-Serb populations of Kosovo, Sanjak, and

Vojvodina the same rights and privileges as those

requested for the Serbs in Bosnia. Moreover, in order to

guarantee a durable settlement and to preclude the

repetition of aggression and genocide, the International

Tribunal for the Prosecution of Persons Responsible for

Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law

Committed in the Territory of the Former Yugoslavia

since 1991 should continue its work resolutely, without

any regard for political expediency, and severely pursue

and punish those who are found guilty.

The increasing growth of inter-State cooperation

within the framework of regional groupings constitutes

another characteristic of the new international climate.

There exist natural common grounds for cooperation,

as well as shared interests among the countries of any

region, which together create a framework for the

promotion of regional organizations. Such regional

cooperation leads, in turn, to enhanced peace and stability

in each region and the world through the expansion of a

culture of cooperation, coexistence and dialogue. In this

context, the Islamic Republic of Iran has emphasized

regional cooperation and taken significant steps in this

regard in order to enhance prosperity, peace and stability

throughout its own region.

Today, the Economic Cooperation Organization

(ECO) has grown to an organization with 10 members.

With a population of 336 million, rich natural resources

and considerable potential, and in close proximity to

important centres of economy and trade in Asia, Europe,

and the Middle East, the organization endeavours to

strengthen and expand its activities, particularly in the

areas of transportation, communications, trade and energy,

in order to achieve well-being and prosperity for the

peoples of the region, and to promote trade and economic

growth.

In another effort for the expansion of regional

cooperation, the Islamic Republic of Iran has made

concrete proposals for the establishment of the Caspian

Sea Cooperation Organization which, with the

28

participation of the littoral States, would aim for the

expansion of cooperation in the fields of shipping, fishing,

the protection of the environment and the exploitation of

the resources of the Caspian Sea. Fortunately, the proposal

of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been accepted by the

States concerned, that is, the Russian Federation, the

Republic of Kazakhstan, the Republic of Azerbaijan and the

Republic of Turkmenistan. In our opinion, the Caspian Sea

must be a sea of peace and tranquillity whose affairs will

be decided by the concurrence of all its littoral States.

Considering the political and economic characteristics

of our region, and the occurrence and expansion of conflicts

and tensions due to internal and external factors, the

Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran feels nationally

and internationally obliged to exert every effort aimed at

the enhancement of economic prosperity and regional

security, the prevention and de-escalation of tension and the

peaceful resolution of regional crises, based on respect for

sovereignty and territorial integrity, the inviolability of

internationally recognized borders, and non-interference in

the internal affairs of others.

In Afghanistan, while refraining from any involvement

in the regrettable fratricidal war, our policy has focused on

keeping channels of communication open with the

Government and all Afghan groups in order to put an end

to fighting and to bring about a negotiated settlement.

In the crisis in Tajikistan, the Islamic Republic of Iran

has exerted every effort and has succeeded in securing

negotiations in Tehran at the highest level between

Government and opposition groups, leading to the signing

of significant agreements concerning a cease-fire and the

peace process. Attempts to find solutions to these crises

require the constructive engagement of regional States and

the effective participation of the United Nations and the

Organization of the Islamic Conference.

At the same time, the maintenance of internal and

regional stability and security in Central Asia and the

Caucasus requires economic prosperity. The Islamic

Republic of Iran, in view of the special economic and

geographical situation of regional States, has tried to serve

as a reliable economic and trade partner, through bilateral

economic cooperation, as well as the establishment of

trilateral commissions with the participation of States from

within and outside the region aimed at the expansion and

facilitation of trade.

Inter-State cooperation in the sensitive and strategic

area of the Persian Gulf, where regional States share many

commonalities, can also lead to economic prosperity, as

well as guaranteeing peace and stability. The military

presence of foreign Powers, who have interests at

variance with stability and long-term cooperation among

regional States, cannot be conducive to achieving the

common objective of securing the tranquillity of this

important waterway.

In the final analysis, all littoral countries of the

Persian Gulf would be better served if they were to join

hands in a concerted effort to maintain peace and security

in the region, which will directly affect our destiny. Such

efforts can be channelled through an institution organized

by these same littoral States, where confidence-building

measures commensurate with the specificities of the area

can be devised and followed up.

Reducing military budgets, setting a ceiling for arms

purchases, acceding to disarmament and arms-control

treaties, cooperating with the United Nations Register of

Conventional Arms and devising a mechanism for

transparency in armaments are but a few examples of

confidence-building measures which the aforementioned

institution could consider. The Islamic Republic of Iran

declares its full readiness to enter into bilateral and

multilateral negotiations with its neighbours in order to

reach common understandings on these issues.

In the Middle East, the Zionist entity, supported by

certain powerful countries, continues its occupation of

Palestine and parts of Syria and Lebanon, and persists in

its policies of aggression, suppression of those who dare

to express opposition to its illegal occupation, and

violation of the very basic human rights of the Palestinian

people.

Experience and the events of the past few years

further illustrate the fact that the only viable option for

restoring peace and security to the Middle East is one

which is comprehensive and just and which addresses the

fundamental issues of the Palestine question. Such a

solution should entail a realization of the inalienable

rights of the Palestinian people, including the return of all

Palestinian refugees and displaced persons to their

homeland, the full and free exercise of their right to self-

determination, and liberation of all occupied territories. In

view of the volatility of the Middle East and the Persian

Gulf, these two regions must be off limits to any foreign

military presence and weapons of mass destruction. My

Government continues to underscore the need to

implement numerous General Assembly resolutions as

well as the decision of the Review and Extension

29

Conference of the States Parties to the Treaty on the Non-

Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) to establish a

nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East as an

important factor for installing stability in the region. What

has actually prevented the NPT from achieving its

objectives and the establishment of the Middle East as a

zone free from nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass

destruction has been Israel’s illegal nuclear capabilities and

its refusal to join the NPT and put its unsafeguarded

nuclear facilities under the safeguard regime of the

International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

Undoubtedly, without the direct and indirect financial

and technological support of certain Western

nuclear-weapon States, Israel could not have acquired the

capability to develop nuclear weapons. Unfortunately, there

exist strong indications that the nuclear capability of that

regime is being continually increased by the very same

countries that are the most vocal proponents of nuclear

non-proliferation. This discriminatory trend persists even in

circumstances where Israeli nuclear policy has adversely

affected regional security, the negative effects of which

include a lack of confidence and a perception of insecurity

in the region, an escalating arms race and influx of foreign

weapons into the region, and the refusal of some States in

the region to join certain disarmament treaties.

On the international level, it must be acknowledged

that, despite the modest progress achieved in the control of

nuclear, chemical and conventional weapons, these weapons

have unfortunately increased qualitatively and quantitatively

to an alarming degree. We are of the view that the failure

of the international community to deal effectively with

these weapons is primarily due to the fact that major

producers of conventional weapons and weapons of mass

destruction have prevented the United Nations from

fulfilling its primary responsibility and central role in the

field of disarmament. Another main reason for this failure

is that the policies of major arms-producing countries

designed to control the spread of weapons of mass

destruction and conventional weapons are always

short-sighted and discriminatory and aim simultaneously at

securing the destructive power of their own weaponry and

their own military dominance.

A glance at generally unsatisfactory disarmament

negotiations in various fields, including nuclear

disarmament, the Hague negotiations on the chemical

weapons Convention, negotiations concerning verification

systems for the bacteriological weapons Convention, and

the performance of the United Nations Register of

Conventional Arms make the veracity of our contention

quite evident.

Following four weeks of difficult negotiations, the

1995 Review and Extension Conference of the NPT could

not reach the conclusion that any progress towards the

primary objectives of the Treaty, including complete

nuclear disarmament and the peaceful use of nuclear

energy, had been achieved in the past 25 years. The

indefinite extension of the Treaty must be viewed within

the framework of three major final documents of the

Conference, together with the necessity for all signatories,

particularly the nuclear Powers, to commit themselves to

the full implementation of all provisions and objectives of

the Treaty. These obligations include achieving complete

nuclear disarmament, expanding the peaceful uses of

nuclear energy, strengthening the role and enhancing the

authority of the IAEA as the only international body

competent to oversee the good-faith discharge of Member

States’ responsibilities under the Treaty, ensuring the

universality of the NPT as an urgent priority, and

establishing the Middle East as a zone free from nuclear

weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. In this

connection, the nuclear-weapon States should, as a first

step, prove their good faith by refraining from nuclear

testing and finalizing a comprehensive test-ban treaty in

1996.

The Islamic Republic of Iran, inspired by the divine

teachings of Islam and benefiting from national solidarity

and the continued participation and efforts of its people,

has endeavoured to develop a society on the basis of the

dignity and worth of the human person and respect for

human values, a society whose ethos includes fairness and

social justice as well as cultural, social and economic

development. In this regard, despite extensive damage

caused by the imposed war and other economic pressures,

the Islamic Republic of Iran, endowed with the resolve

and work ethic of its entire population, has been able not

only to move towards reversing the vast destruction of the

war, but also successfully to complete its first five-year

economic and social development plan and embark upon

the implementation of the second five-year plan on solid

foundations. We foresee bright prospects for a

strengthened economic, social, cultural and political

infrastructure.

Since the Islamic Republic of Iran firmly believes

that the maintenance of peace and security, at the

national, regional and international levels alike, is

dependent upon economic growth and sustained

development, we spend only about 1 per cent of our

30

national budget on defence and devote the rest to

overhauling and strengthening our economic, social and

cultural infrastructures. We have made this strategic

decision at a time when the bitter experience of military

aggression against my country, a foreign military presence

in the region and an alarming military build-up following

the second war in the Persian Gulf could have justified very

extensive military expenditures.

The current session of the General Assembly provides

a golden opportunity for us to engage in a serious review

of the performance of our Organization over the past 50

years, assess the current international situation and try to

shape the conduct of international relations in the light of

the United Nations Charter in a fashion that remedies the

shortcomings of the past.

The most important characteristic of our world is its

cultural diversity, which has enriched human civilization.

The experience of the past 50 years has clearly illustrated

that attempts to impose Western standards, beliefs and

culture upon the rest of humanity have not only failed to

achieve the desired results, but also undermine the

foundations of peaceful coexistence and mutual

understanding because, in spite of the appearance of

championing the cause of freedom and tolerance, such an

approach manifests extreme intolerance towards the values

and beliefs of others.

Mutual respect for the rights, values and beliefs of all

members of the international community, along with the

empowerment of all nations to participate actively in the

setting of international norms, the maintenance of peace and

security and the promotion of economic and social

development throughout the world must form the solid

foundation of Member States’ activities in the next 50 years

of the United Nations. The Islamic Republic of Iran is

prepared to fulfil its role in this respect.