Ireland, 1999

Mr. President, I congratulate

you, the Foreign Minister of Namibia, on your election as

President of the General Assembly at its fifty-fourth

session. Your experience as the Namibian people's chief

representative in New York during your country's struggle

for independence and your role in guiding Namibia into the

family of nations will serve you well in directing the

important work of this session.

Our thanks are also due to Foreign Minister Opertti of

Uruguay for his dedicated efforts in leading the Assembly

over the past 12 months. I, too, would like to warmly

welcome our three new Members to the United Nations, the

Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the

Kingdom of Tonga.

In January of this year, my Government had the

privilege of hosting a visit by Secretary-General Annan. As

the first United Nations Secretary-General to emerge from

within the international civil service, his personal

commitment to the United Nations and its founding

principles is evidenced in his efforts to steer the

Organization into the new millennium.

My colleague Foreign Minister Halonen of Finland

set out the views of the European Union on the main

challenges facing the international community today, and,

of course, Ireland fully associates itself with our respected

Finnish Presidency's remarks.

The responsibility of the United Nations to maintain

international peace and security has been severely tested

this year. In Africa, in the Balkans and, most recently, in

East Timor, we have seen bloody and vicious outbreaks

of violence which could have been avoided. At the same

time, the incidence and scale of natural disasters has

increased, adding to the pressures facing the already

overstretched relief agencies. We need to take up the

challenge which the Secretary-General set out in his

thought-provoking address earlier this week — to think

anew about how the United Nations and the Member

States respond to the political, human rights and

humanitarian crises affecting so much of the world. We

are all haunted by the collective failure to prevent

humanitarian disasters — including genocide — as well

as the outbreak of conflict in many regions.

The case for better prevention strategies is

overwhelming. Even the costliest policy of prevention is

far cheaper, in lives and resources, than the least

expensive use of armed force. It is simply unacceptable

that the United Nations should be starved of the resources

that are vital to this conflict prevention. Where conflict

prevention fails, more fundamental questions relating to

capabilities for crisis management arise. How is it

possible, for example, that the international community

finds itself repeatedly incapable of taking effective action?

How has it come to pass that questions are being raised

about the adequacy of the Charter itself? Or that the

constraints impairing the effectiveness of the Organization

have led to searching elsewhere for effective response? It

is indeed a paradox that, in a world of unprecedented

interdependence and technological capabilities, we should

be confronted by such a dilemma.

The Charter, I think, has been fairly described as a

“living document”. I believe that this provides the key to

resolving our dilemma. We have not used sufficiently the

possibilities that already exist under the Charter, not only

in the area of peace and security, but also in the social

and economic fields. I would suggest that we should

scrutinize its provisions and use them imaginatively. That

could make possible a reinvigoration of the United

25

Nations, injecting a new sense of purpose and a new

dynamic.

I believe we should similarly look to see how we can

support the Secretary-General in his immense labours. His

report on the work of the Organization has diagnosed

accurately the challenges that exist and has genuinely

pointed out what needs to be done. He has powers under

the Charter, and he should be encouraged to use them to

the full. Greater empowerment of the Secretary-General is

one practical step that we, the Member States, should take.

We should seize the opportunity provided by the

Millennium Assembly next year to reaffirm our

commitment to the goals and principles set out in the

Charter, in a pragmatic, action-oriented and forward-looking

manner.

We can learn, as has been said by previous speakers,

from the crisis in East Timor. As the Personal

Representative of the European Union Presidency, I

witnessed at first hand the consultation process on 30

August. I wish particularly to pay tribute to the outstanding

work of the United Nations Mission in East Timor

(UNAMET). It has received criticism, and I reject that

criticism. I saw the work at first hand. They were an

unarmed force — a group of very brave men and women.

Men and women of my own country were among that very

brave group of people, and I salute them.

Ireland, together with our European Union partners, is

fully committed to seeing that the people of East Timor

enjoy the independence which they have freely chosen. The

poll itself took place peacefully in a fair and free

manner — we witnessed it first hand — and reflected, as

I understand it, the views of the people. It was, however,

followed by systematic and ruthless attacks on the

population. We have condemned these atrocities in the

strongest terms. The perpetrators of crimes against

humanity must be brought to justice. The United Nations

High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mrs. Mary

Robinson, has called for an international commission of

inquiry, and, of course, we all fully support this, as I

understand it.

Had those seeking to frustrate and overturn the process

initiated by President Habibie last January succeeded, they

would have denied the democratic rights of the people of

East Timor, posing a very serious challenge to the

credibility and authority of the United Nations. I welcome

the decisive action taken by the Security Council which led

to the adoption of its resolution 1264 (1999), although I

regret that this action could not have been taken more

speedily. I pay sincere tribute to all involved, and in

particular to the members of the Security Council mission

who went to Jakarta and Dili in very very difficult

circumstances. I pay sincere tribute to all involved. All of

the provisions of Security Council resolution 1264 (1999)

must now be fully implemented in all respects, as it says,

and as is required by it.

We fully support the deployment of the international

force for East Timor under the leadership of Australia.

Ireland is among the contributors to this force.

We are facing a humanitarian disaster in both East

and West Timor. All East Timorese refugees, wherever

they are, must be allowed to return to their homes. The

response that is now being made will go some way to

restoring the credibility and authority of this Organization

at a time when the restoration of that credibility and

authority is so urgently required. In Ireland we will be

continuing to support, in every way we can, the work of

the United Nations and, of course, the international

humanitarian agencies in East Timor.

The dilemma which I earlier described is also

illustrated clearly by the response to crises in many parts

of Africa, as has been outlined by so many other

speakers, and by the previous speaker in particular, my

colleague Foreign Minister Godana of Kenya. This

response has in the past been totally inadequate, leading

in turn to further conflict, human suffering and neglect on

an even greater scale.

I welcome the steps recently taken towards national

reconciliation in a number of the African countries,

including, as was mentioned by the previous speaker,

Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The patient diplomacy and determination of individual

African leaders has laid the groundwork for the resolution

of a number of recent conflicts. We received a timely

reminder of these efforts a few days ago from President

Chiluba of Zambia in his excellent address to the Security

Council. But these efforts deserve and require the support

and commitment of the international community. The

Secretary-General's report on conflict prevention in Africa

has set out clear goals and proposals on the promotion of

durable peace and sustainable development in Africa, and

we must all ensure that real progress is achieved on these

issues.

Countries emerging from conflict situations, in

particular, face the need to rebuild lives and livelihoods.

26

Many of these are among the poorest Member States. In

that context, I wish to highlight the extent of the debt

burden on developing countries, particularly on the heavily

indebted poor countries — the so-called HIPC countries.

Servicing this debt deprives many of these nations of scarce

resources, resources which are required to meet the most

basic human needs, and some of the debt repayments based

on the moneys given to some of these countries are nothing

short of disgraceful.

The launch of the joint World Bank/International

Monetary Fund Heavily Indebted Poor Country Initiative

two years ago gave hope that substantive action would at

last be taken to relieve the debt crisis, particularly the large

and growing burden of multilateral debt. Some progress has

been made, but, unfortunately again, in the nature of those

institutions — and I do not say it by way of great criticism

— there is a slowness in their movement. That is why the

Initiative has benefited so few of the countries to which it

is directed. We need to extend it to more countries, with a

greater degree of flexibility, and maybe a little bit of

imagination.

Ireland wishes to see the strongest possible link

between debt relief and poverty alleviation. It is the poorest

and most marginalized who have borne much of the burden.

I saw this in recent visits to a number of these countries in

Africa. We recognize the strength of international concern

about the debt of poor countries, including the urgent

demands for debt forgiveness. The Irish Government

decided last year to direct resources to both bilateral and

multilateral debt relief, and also to make it integral to

Ireland's overall development cooperation strategy. The goal

of poverty reduction, the primary focus of this strategy,

cannot be met without concerted international action to

stem the haemorrhage of resources caused by this burden.

Ireland regrets the decline in flows of official

development assistance to what can only be described as

historic lows. This situation must be reversed. Developing

countries, especially the poorest among them, need

international solidarity now more than ever.

The forthcoming special session on small island

developing States is an important opportunity to focus

international attention on countries with which Ireland has

a natural affinity. Remote from major markets and

ecologically fragile, they face the twin challenges of

globalization and climate change. Ireland recognizes their

unique situation and supports further work on an index

which would reflect their vulnerability.

The special session should give a renewed impetus

to the Barbados Programme of Action — a Programme

that I salute. The small island States, particularly the

poorest, must not be further marginalized. For our part,

we have placed a new emphasis on small island

developing States in our multilateral aid programme. We

are also working with our partners in the European Union

and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries towards

a successful conclusion — a just and equitable conclusion

— of the post-Lomé negotiations.

The scourge of drug trafficking is a global problem

which affects us all. Ireland is fully committed to the

fight against drugs and to supporting the efforts of those

countries which are already very much affected by this

heinous traffic.

Full respect for human rights is of fundamental

importance to the achievement of all our other goals. As

this millennium draws to a close, a series of the most

barbaric violations of human rights imaginable in Bosnia,

Rwanda, Kosovo and now in East Timor are testaments

to our inhumanity to one another.

The Secretary-General has produced a compelling

report (S/1999/957) to the Security Council on the

protection of civilians in armed conflict. We must

address, with the utmost speed and seriousness, the

Secretary-General's recommendations which are aimed at

creating, in his words, a “climate of compliance” with

international human rights and humanitarian standards, as

set out. The Secretary-General has rightly placed great

stress on the necessity to enhance efforts aimed at conflict

prevention. His recommendations offer us an opportunity

to redeem the pledges we made last year on the occasion

of the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of

Human Rights.

It is imperative that the Statute of the International

Criminal Court enter into force as soon as possible. A

global enforcement mechanism which addresses impunity

could also serve as a deterrent to genocide and crimes

against humanity, some of which I have just articulated.

Ireland will shortly assume the chairmanship of the

Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe, an

important political forum for enhancing democratic values

and stability throughout the continent of Europe. We will

seek to promote further cooperation between the Council

of Europe and the United Nations in areas of common

interest.

27

The shadow of nuclear weapons hangs over us all as

we enter the new millennium. We can no longer remain

complacent at the absence of progress towards the early

elimination of nuclear arsenals. The limited steps that have

been taken to date — which we welcome — do not amount

to a determined process of elimination.

Intent on securing a new consensus on the way

forward, I and my colleagues from Brazil, Egypt, Mexico,

New Zealand, Slovenia, South Africa and Sweden last year

launched an initiative called “Towards a nuclear-weapon-

free world: the need for a new agenda”.

With the adoption of a resolution on the new agenda

in the General Assembly, the international community has

demanded a clear perspective for the closure of the nuclear-

weapons era.

The approach of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation

of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) 2000 Review Conference

underlines the imperatives of a fundamental change in

approach. We require a new commitment on the part of the

nuclear-weapon States. This would make the elimination of

these weapons an immediate objective rather than an

ultimate goal.

Earlier this year I had the honour of participating in

the first meeting of the States Parties to the Ottawa

Convention, held in Maputo. The conclusion of the global

ban on landmines is, of course, one of the striking

achievements of our time. In this I salute the leadership of

Canada, working with determined Governments, including

my own, and in cooperation with the non-governmental

community. It is the clearest demonstration of what can be

achieved when the political will exists.

The spread of small arms and the consequences for

civilian populations in armed conflict must be confronted

now. This traffic in arms is an obscenity and, in many

cases, totally and absolutely irresponsible; its brokers know

no morality. We must redouble our efforts to address both

the supply and demand sides of a threat to the security of

civilians that has reached epidemic proportions.

We in Ireland are proud of our contribution to world

peace through peacekeeping. Just under a year ago Ireland

became a full participant in the United Nations standby

arrangements system. We currently contribute to eight

peacekeeping operations, with over 700 personnel in the

field. Our largest commitment is to the United Nations

Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in southern Lebanon.

Our service has not, of course, been without cost. To date

78 Irish peacekeepers have paid the highest price in the

service of the United Nations.

The changing and more complex nature of

peacekeeping involves additional tasks, such as

humanitarian assistance, the protection of human rights

and civilian police work. Through our participation in the

multinational forces operating under United Nations

authorization in Kosovo, and soon in East Timor, Ireland

is already playing its part in these new arrangements. Our

commitment to United Nations peacekeeping remains, as

ever, strong, steadfast and loyal.

I will conclude by giving a short resume of the

situation in Northern Ireland. A number of speakers have

referred to the peace process in Northern Ireland during

the course of their contributions to this session of the

General Assembly, and I very deeply appreciate their

remarks in that regard. Their support and, indeed, all the

support of all the nations in the United Nations is very

deeply appreciated.

I will now turn to the evolving situation in that part

of my benighted land, Northern Ireland. When I spoke

here last year, I was honoured to be the first Minister to

be able to report that a comprehensive and broadly based

political accommodation had been reached, that is, the

Good Friday Agreement of April 1998. The Agreement

was reached by the British and Irish Governments and by

eight political parties in Northern Ireland following almost

two years of intensive negotiations. It was subsequently

endorsed by the people of the island with decisive

majorities in referendums held in both the north and

south, an average between the two parts of the island in

the nature of 72 per cent for a permanent peace on the

island of Ireland and in favour of the Good Friday

Agreement. As I say, it was subsequently endorsed by the

people of the island with a decisive majority in a

combined context, which I have just spoken about,

namely, referendums in the north and south. The

Agreement covers not just constitutional issues and

political institutions, but a wide range of other matters

essential to conflict resolution and the promotion of a fair

and just society.

All of us gathered here know, often from direct

experience, that, though it can be hard to reach an

agreement, it is often harder still to implement it. I doubt

very much if anyone in Ireland expected the path ahead

to be smooth and straight. While very substantial progress

has been made, there continue to be frustrations and, of

course, difficulties, and I would not seek to minimize the

28

problems we face. But there is still much that is valuable

and encouraging.

It is true that the peace we have remains imperfect,

and there can be no tolerable or acceptable level of

violence. In places, tensions between the two communities

are worryingly high. But, overall, Northern Ireland is more

peaceful than it has been at any time for a generation.

Relationships between the two parts of Ireland, and between

Britain and Ireland, are closer and more relaxed than they

have ever been. And the longer it continues, it is peace

which becomes the norm. The people were always entitled

to peace. My belief is that now they are coming to expect

it. I am confident that no attempt to return to the full-scale

violence of the past would win any meaningful support or

could be sustained for long. We have turned the corner and

there can be no going back.

During the past year, much good work has been done

to carry the Agreement forward. For instance, its human

rights and equality provisions are being given concrete

effect, as are measures to promote cultural equality and

reconciliation and to assist the victims of violence. The

independent commission established under the Agreement

to make recommendations on a new beginning to policing

in Northern Ireland has recently produced an excellent and

thorough report on this very sensitive and important issue.

The Irish Government looks forward to playing our part in

its implementation.

Moreover, the Governments and the parties in the

north have completed all of the preparatory technical work

necessary to establish the new political institutions

envisaged by the Agreement. You can understand,

therefore, the disappointment we feel that it has not yet

proved possible actually to establish those political

institutions. While there is disagreement among some

political parties on the precise relationship between the

formation of an inclusive executive within Northern Ireland

and the decommissioning of paramilitary weapons, there is

no difference of view on the desirability of both objectives.

However, there is a persistent mutual distrust and lack of

confidence, with doubts about future intentions continuing

to linger.

Under the dedicated and committed leadership of the

Taoiseach — my Prime Minister, Mr. Bertie Ahern — and

the British Prime Minister, Mr. Blair, the Irish and British

Governments and all the parties have devoted enormous

energy to the task of seeking to find a generally acceptable

way forward. But so far, despite some progress, we have

not succeeded in bridging that particular gap. For that

reason, we have invited Senator George Mitchell of the

United States, who chaired with such skill and judgement

the talks which led to the Good Friday Agreement itself,

to act as a facilitator of a review. That review is now

under way. There is no good reason why it should fail. I

cannot believe that is in the interests of anyone that it

should fail.

The institutional blueprint sketched out in the

Agreement and endorsed by the people offers the only

rational basis for a lasting peace and for reconciliation

through practical partnership and common action. No

other conceivable course of action represents a remotely

satisfactory alternative. Whatever the short-term

difficulties, the Irish Government, in continued

cooperation with the British Government, will not cease

to work for its implementation.

It is not surprising that the stalemate of the past

months has led to some doubt and, indeed,

disillusionment. But I am convinced that there remains a

huge reservoir of support for the Agreement within both

the unionist and nationalist communities, provided each

can be confident that all aspects will be implemented in

full. People are open to persuasion if a reasonable

accommodation is on offer. There is therefore an onus on

all political representatives to be generous and creative

and to be prepared to offer leadership to their own

constituencies while reaching out to others — not

recklessly, but courageously and honourably.

I am convinced that there will be no return to our

often bitter past. But it will be possible to realize the full

potential of the future only when the Good Friday

Agreement is implemented as a totality. The Agreement

offers a bold and generous vision of tolerance and

partnership between those who together share the island

of Ireland. Moreover, it offers a framework within which

profound differences can be accommodated without

coercion and on the basis of consent. Those of us from

within the Irish nationalist tradition value the unionist

tradition. We have come to understand, to cherish and to

respect its authenticity and, of course, its validity. It is a

vital and irreplaceable strand of that diversity of cultures

and identities which makes up Ireland as it really is.

All over the world, we can see the tragic

consequences of policies of domination and exclusion.

The future of Ireland can be, should be and, I believe,

will be radically different. That is why the task of

implementing the Agreement should be completed now,

and not left to another generation.

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In conclusion, as we go forward we know that we

retain the support and solidarity of the international

community. In this regard I would like to pay particular

tribute to the role of the United States and, of course, of

President Bill Clinton, who has stood steadfastly beside us

throughout the historic process in which we have been

engaged. As always, we are deeply grateful for the

encouragement of all of our friends, which is and will

continue to be hugely important to us.

As we benefit from the support of the international

community, I wish in turn to pledge Ireland's continuing

commitment to the fulfilment of the aims and principles of

the Charter of the United Nations.