India, 1997

Mr. President, it is a particular

pleasure for me to see you presiding over the General

Assembly. As Ambassador to the former Soviet Union for

five years, I had a long association with Ukraine, and I

retain the fondest memories of my several visits to your

beautiful country. You preside over an Assembly that will

deliberate on crucial issues before the world community,

on which your experience and guidance will be

invaluable. I would also like to congratulate your

predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail, on the

engagement with which he acted during his presidency to

carry our work forward. I am delighted also to see the

Secretary-General here.

We are celebrating in India the fiftieth anniversary

of our emergence as a free nation. The constitutional

moorings and the democratic forms which the new nation-

State has accepted and adopted rest on the vast foundation

of civilizational experience and ethos. This explains the

stability, coherence and creative unity of the vast Indian

society, which is a world in itself. The experience has

wrought in us the deep conviction that, while there are

universally shared values and striving, there can be no

rigid prescriptions. We see the United Nations in this

image, as a crucible in which we meld together our

individual contributions to a world civilization, yet

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recognizing the variety of historical and cultural experiences

we bring to it.

The cold war cast an early shadow on the

Organization, creating a situation of ideological

polarization. The Non-Aligned Movement rejected this

imposition of rigidity, representing an independent and

responsible alternative to the world view. This remains true,

and the Non-Aligned Movement retains its validity and

relevance, even after the disappearance of bloc rivalries.

Non-alignment was not a by-product of the cold war. Then,

it expressed the overwhelming need of previously colonized

and disempowered nations to a voice, a perspective and an

agenda in a politically and economically unequal and

inequitable world. Today, it remains a voice of reason and

constructive engagement for the times ahead, which demand

common purpose and contribution from all sides towards a

convergence of intent on vital, even fateful, global

concerns.

Since the creation of the Charter of the United

Nations, the world should have changed far more than it

has in the half century that has elapsed. Decolonization is

almost complete, but the scars of colonization are still with

us. The present bears a heavy burden of the past. South

Africa is free, but racism rears its ugly head amidst us,

often laced with xenophobia. Development and growth —

and even human dignity — remain for much of the world

a distant dream. We must insistently ask ourselves what we

can decisively do at the United Nations to make the dreams

of the hundreds of millions come true, how we can make

the United Nations a more vibrant organization for the

world community as a whole, at a time when we need it

more than we ever have, a United Nations that is better

equipped to fully respond to the challenges of the next

century.

As an organization, the United Nations must also

evolve and adapt itself to a rapidly changing environment,

the better to serve the core needs of the world community.

As a country which sets very great store on the capacity of

the United Nations to contribute to international peace and

security, and to development — the two crucial priorities

before the world community — India, like others, has a

vital interest in a United Nations that continually makes

itself more responsive to the needs of its Member States

and prepares itself to serve them better. This, we believe,

is the objective of reform. We are hence very pleased that

the Secretary-General, immediately after taking office,

made reform one of his priorities and we congratulate him

on this commitment. Within the first seven months of his

tenure, he has produced a series of proposals of impressive

breadth and scope. These are before us, and many have

described this session as a reform General Assembly. In

this connection, I extend my good wishes to you,

Mr. Secretary-General.

We judge the agenda for reform by the measures I

have described. We are supportive of all proposals that,

in our view, will carry forward, or improve, the

Secretariat’s ability to respond to the mandates of the

international community. We will express our thoughts

constructively with the aim of strengthening the process

and direction of reform to the collective advantage of the

global community and the Organization that represents it.

We do not see reform simply as an exercise to trim the

budget of the United Nations. Instead, reforms should

contribute towards strengthening the United Nations and

its capacity to respond effectively to the priorities

identified by the overwhelming majority of its

membership.

The crisis that confronts the United Nations

manifests itself in many ways. A financial crisis has

resulted from the inability of some to fulfil their Charter

commitments, and from the laying down of pre-conditions

to meet them. The United Nations does not have the

means to execute programmes that respond to the felt

needs and priorities of its membership, precisely at a time

when such programmes are sorely necessary. As a result,

the United Nations is in danger of being marginalized as

the global forum where decisions can be taken that truly

respond to the challenges of globalization. The solution

lies not in piecemeal reform but in building trust between

nations, and in an acceptance that in international

relations democratic principles should be the norm, just as

they are being increasingly accepted in national

governance.

In our view, international peace and security and

development are inextricably linked. The one is

impossible to achieve without the other. Over the last six

or seven years, there has been a growing emphasis on the

political aspects of the tasks of development, such as

democracy and human rights. Unless the underlying

causes of underdevelopment, poverty and social alienation

are effectively addressed and removed, this emphasis will

remain unrealized. Therefore, the single most important

target that the United Nations should set itself is the

promotion of sustained economic growth in the

developing countries that will lead to the eradication of

poverty, and erase the tensions and pressures that have

led to the collapse of governance and social order in

several States, and to conflicts between others.

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International peace and stability will be enhanced only

when all countries enjoy a minimum standard of economic

self-sufficiency and well-being. Therefore, we believe that

the thrust of any reform proposals in the United Nations

should make the promotion of sustained economic

development the principal cross-sectoral issue for the

Secretariat’s programmes. We believe that there are enough

intergovernmental mandates to permit the Secretariat to

tailor programmes towards this end.

The universality of human rights, to which we all

committed ourselves almost five years ago at Vienna,

expresses itself at one level in the international norms for

the promotion and protection of human rights and our

collective efforts to foster respect for these standards. On a

higher plane, this universality stems from the search in

different civilizations for ways of protecting the human

dignity of every individual. Next year, as we celebrate the

fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human

Rights, we will reflect on whether the ideals enshrined in

the Declaration have become a reality for people in all parts

of the world. As we do so, we must build confidence in a

process that encourages introspection and self-criticism,

dialogue and consultation, rather than confrontation and

judgement. The Declaration calls for the advent of a world

order in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech

and belief and freedom from fear and want as the highest

aspirations of the common people. It recognizes the

importance of economic, social and cultural rights as well

as their interdependence with civil and political rights. The

full realization of all these rights is what will give true

meaning to the quest for human dignity embodied in the

Universal Declaration.

India’s approach to the observance and promotion of

human rights is inspired by the holistic vision of the

Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Indian

Constitution. A strong constitutional framework, mutually

reinforcing safeguards, both within and outside this

framework; a policy of transparency and responsiveness to

civil society; and cooperation with the human rights system

of the United Nations — in particular with the treaty

bodies — are the main elements of this approach in the

areas of civil and political rights. Equally important, if not

more so, are the assault on poverty and underdevelopment;

the promotion of awareness of rights; and a policy of

affirmative action for the uplifting of socially and

economically vulnerable sectors of society.

This is a complex task, especially in a country of

India’s diversity. Many times, when the State has faltered

civil society has stepped in. In India, as elsewhere,

individuals have wrought miracles by working outside the

established systems and going beyond traditional ways of

thinking. In recent times, the most moving example has

been that of a frail, sari-clad woman: Mother Teresa. Her

fathomless compassion and soothing touch will be missed

by millions in India. I would like to pay tribute to this

apostle of mercy who rendered service and brought hope

to millions of poor and suffering people, not only in India

but all over the world.

While development must be our supreme objective,

we also need peace, stability and security in order to

achieve it. The dangers that threaten us have become

increasingly more frightening during the last 50 years

than any that have cast their shadow over mankind in its

entire history. The development of nuclear, chemical and

biological weapons has made it possible to destroy whole

populations. As the international community, we have

decided to outlaw the production, possession and use of

chemical and biological weapons.

However, with regard to the weapons of mass

destruction capable of the total annihilation of human

civilization, the global community has lived for too long

on a diet of empty promises. The pretexts cited in favour

of clinging to nuclear arsenals, while always questionable,

have now vanished. Mere non-proliferation treaties

promoted as disarmament measures only serve to entrench

a nuclear monopoly. No credible steps towards striving to

realize a nuclear-weapon-free world are contemplated,

much less taken, by those who should be showing the

way. No justifications can be proffered, as they were

during the cold war.

The patience of the world community — as

expressed by the International Court of Justice, by the

enlightened voices of those who formerly believed in

deterrence, by political and general opinion and by

weighty voluntary initiatives — is starting to wear thin.

Nuclear-weapon Powers owe it to the world to answer the

question why they need nuclear weapons. Global opinion

wants a nuclear weapons convention — as has already

been outlined for the class of biological and chemical

weapons — and will not rest until it is achieved. We

appeal to nuclear-weapon States to align their policies

with what the world wants. We see the United Nations as

the forum in which the international community must

continue to demand universal nuclear disarmament, and

we therefore expect that the Secretariat's programmes will

support this intergovernmental objective.

8

Under the Charter, the Security Council was

constituted as a body on which the general membership

conferred primary responsibility for the maintenance of

international peace and security, acting on its behalf. In

recent years, the Security Council has been able to play a

more active role in discharging its responsibilities.

However, there is often a perception that the Council’s

actions have not always reflected the sentiments of the

general membership. Therefore, it is imperative — and the

time has come — for the Security Council to take on as

permanent members developing countries which are

equipped to make important contributions through their

world views and historical experiences and the values of

their civilizations. In this way the decisions of the Council

will truly reflect the wider membership of the United

Nations. Otherwise, the Council’s actions will be seen as

progressively less representative precisely at a time when it

is being called upon to act far more frequently than before

on behalf of the world community.

India has let it be known in the General Assembly

since 1994 that it is prepared to accept the responsibilities

of permanent membership. We are the largest democracy in

the world, with a civilization replete with ancient values

and achievements, as well as a world view based on a

universalist inspiration, participatory governance, respect for

diversity and pluralism, and a readiness for constructive

engagement in the world’s affairs. These strengths, we

believe, would be an asset to an expanded Security Council.

India’s standing as one of the leading economies of the

world will be progressively strengthened, and we are

prepared to bear fully the responsibilities of permanent

membership. India’s long-standing participation in United

Nations peacekeeping operations testifies not only to the

dedication and professionalism of Indian soldiers, but also

to the political will of the Government to actively

contribute to these operations.

The core of our foreign policy is our keenness to

pursue close ties and build confidence and cooperation with

our neighbours, while recognizing fully that we are the

largest country in the region, in terms not only of size and

population but also of economic capabilities. We extend our

hand of friendship not in a spirit of mere reciprocity but in

good faith. Where we do expect reciprocity, unrelated to

size and capacity, is in mutual respect for each other’s

territorial integrity and sovereignty. We seek to advance

cohesion, synergy and mutual goodwill in our

neighbourhood so that together we can fully participate in

and derive benefits from the dynamic changes the world is

currently witnessing. Our approach has contributed to the

setting in motion of a trend towards cooperation in our

region.

As a large and diverse economy, we are developing

new partnerships that go beyond the region and revitalize

the old cultural and commercial links. Politically, this is

expressed in the active interest that we have taken in

supporting the Middle East peace process — our ties with

the Arab world reaching deep into history — and our

strong fraternal ties with developing countries in general

and with Africa in particular. In our larger

neighbourhood, with which we have a shared history, we

have enhanced our engagement with the Association of

South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) as a full-dialogue

partner and as a participant in the ASEAN Regional

Forum.

While maintaining our traditional relationships with

the United States, Russia, the European Union and Japan,

we have also been strengthening global trends in regional

cooperation by actively promoting cooperation among

countries of the Indian Ocean rim and trying to recover

the cultural and commercial connectivities that have

existed since time immemorial and which were snapped

in the colonial era.

Global society is seeking to find an equilibrium

between the opposing pulls generated by the forces of

globalization, nationalism and sub-nationalism. Indeed, it

is difficult to see just how they can be balanced, yet they

must be or else the potential for international

conflagration will be immense. Hence, the absolute need

for extreme caution to prevent established nation States

from being destabilized either through too hasty a push

towards globalization or through the pull of sub-national

demands. We see this as a challenge which we will have

to face collectively as well as individually.

A global menace that threatens international peace,

and to which open democracies are particularly

vulnerable, is terrorism. It takes innocent lives

indiscriminately, brings fear into the lives of others and

shatters the peaceful existence and the normal growth of

entire communities. Terrorism should be anathema to the

international community because it is the antithesis of

every ideal that the United Nations Charter enshrines. Its

main vehicle is violence; its aim is destruction rather than

development; its doctrines are founded on intolerance;

and, in the means it uses and the effect it has, it destroys

human rights utterly.

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Incitement to terrorism and complicity and

participation in terrorism across borders undermine the

international system. And even though very few societies

are free from its clutches, we still have not developed a

global strategy to defeat this evil. The resolve is absent. It

is important that we find it, not least because terrorism has

a global web, spanning all countries and continents and

quickly building links with the other global menace: drugs.

We in India see in our region just how deadly a poison this

mix of terrorism and drugs is. The United Nations should

take the lead in determined global action to root out these

scourges.

The protection and preservation of the environment is

an area to which all of us attach the highest importance.

The commitment to global partnership for preventing

further degradation of the environment, made at the Rio

Summit in 1992, was reiterated and the need for effective

implementation of Agenda 21 reaffirmed during the special

session of the General Assembly in June this year. All the

elements of Agenda 21 have to be implemented in full and

we need to accelerate the process of such implementation.

Any partial or non-comprehensive implementation will be

detrimental not only to international cooperation in this

area, but also to the threatened stability of the Earth’s

fragile environment. In this connection, it is our hope that

the spirit of the Convention on Climate Change and the

Berlin Mandate will be fully encompassed by the protocol

or legal instrument to emerge from the Kyoto Conference

to be held in December 1997.

What has been touched upon represents huge

challenges beyond the capacity of any country to face on its

own. This is why it is so vital for the United Nations, now

more than ever before, to be a forum where we can pool

creative ideas and lessons from our experience and to assist

us in understanding and coping with these challenges. This

is the ultimate rationale of reform. We will be ready to

work with other countries to rebuild the United Nations in

the image of our collective aspirations and as our trusted

instrument to meet the challenges of the approaching

century.

Addressing the General Assembly at its fifteenth

regular session, I recall India’s first Prime Minister,

Jawaharlal Nehru, saying here in 1960:

“The main purpose of the United Nations is to

build up a world without war, a world based on the

cooperation of nations and peoples. It is not merely a

world where war is kept in check for a balancing of

armed forces. It is much deeper than that. It is a world

from which the major causes of war have been

removed and social structures built up which further

peaceful cooperation within a nation as well as

between nations.” (Official Records of the General

Assembly, Fifteenth session, Plenary Meetings,

882nd meeting, para. 117)

It is in this spirit that we should approach the tasks

before us. I do hope and pray that, under your guidance,

Sir, and under the spirited leadership of the Secretary-

General, these objectives will be achieved.