European Union, 2011

Europe presents to you a message of

cooperation, support and partnership. I congratulate the

new President of the General Assembly, Ambassador

Al-Nasser, of Qatar. We fully share, Mr. President, in

your commitment to mediation as the best way to

achieve the peaceful settlement of conflicts. Your very

first predecessor was Paul-Henri Spaak, a man who, in

the years after the war, played a decisive role in the

creation of a new and unique forum for cooperation

among European States. At the very beginning, we

were six Western European nations. Today, we form a

union of 27 member States spanning an entire

continent with 500 million inhabitants, and

partnerships throughout the world.

I am not the first President of the European

Council to address the General Assembly to share the

experiences and vision of Europe. However, I am the

first to discharge this duty who is not, at the same time,

the head of State or Government of his country; the

first whose full-time position is to work for unity

among our 27 countries. That institutional innovation

gives our union greater continuity and coherence,

including with respect to others leaders worldwide. I

therefore wish to thank the Assembly for recognizing

this innovation, by giving me an opportunity to speak.

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In the year since the previous session of the

General Assembly gathered here, the world has

changed. In some fields, it has changed for the better.

That is why I would like to speak, first of all, about our

hope; secondly, about some of our worries; and thirdly

and finally, about Europe’s responsibility in the world.

First, there is hope: Hope for the millions of men

and women who recently climbed out of poverty — in

Asia, in Latin America and fortunately more often in

Africa too. Emerging economies are becoming

emerged societies. There is hope for the newest

member of this Assembly, the Republic of South

Sudan, since its transition to independence. Although

concerns about the fighting remain, we applaud the end

to decades of civil war.

There is now a new hope that is, for the most

part, due to the will of the peoples in northern Africa

and the Middle East to take the road of democracy.

Even if the fighting is not over, we have seen the defeat

of repression and of terrorism, and the victory of

forward-looking change.

For Europe, the Arab Spring is one of the most

momentous political developments since the end of the

cold war. We, Europeans, are linked closely with the

Arab world by the bonds of history and geography, and

we wish for this Spring to blossom. And that is why we

support all steps towards democratic transformation

and economic reform that benefit the people. We

support those steps with financial resources, access to

our markets, mobility among our countries and with

assistance for state- and nation-building. Our aim is for

the young men and women in our southern

neighbourhood to feel that they can build a future in

their own countries; it is a hope for a better life.

We have done more than that. When, earlier this

year, there was a risk of bloodbath in Benghazi,

European leaders, together with others, acted with

swiftness and determination, diplomatically — here in

New York — and militarily. We could not allow the

Libyan regime to take the lives of its own people. The

principle of “responsibility to protect” was put into

action — with perseverance and success. Now there is

a responsibility to assist the new Libya with the

political transition, reconciliation and reconstruction of

a united country. The Transitional National Council,

today in the Libya seat, is ready for that task. Europe

was, is, and will remain on the side of the Libyans.

In my view, the Arab Spring has provided two

important lessons. The first one is this: 10 years ago,

almost to the day, when the horrific terrorist attacks of

9/11 were committed in this very city, many feared the

start of an era of religious hatred. That has not

happened. The people in the streets of Tunis, Cairo,

Benghazi and across the Arab world aspire to dignity,

jobs, equal opportunities, social justice and democracy.

We witnessed neither extremism, nor the so-called

clash of civilizations, but an episode in the fight for

freedom and justice. And those should remain the

overriding objectives of the future.

The second lesson is that a political system that

does not allow for peaceful change will remain weak at

heart. We praise, therefore, the leaders who are taking

courageous steps towards positive change.

But alongside the hope, there is reason for worry,

too — and that is my second point — about the brutal

and ongoing repression by the Syrian regime against its

own citizens. Europe is keeping the pressure on the

regime with sanctions, and we urge others to join us.

Of course, there are other worries too: worry

about the famine in Somalia, where thousands of

children have died and many more are at risk, and

where we must act decisively; worry about ongoing

wars and conflicts; worry about the safety of nuclear

reactors; worry about nuclear proliferation and the

behaviour of the Iranian and North Korean leadership;

and worry about climate change. In each case, we have

to ask ourselves, as the international community,

whether we are doing what we should be doing, both in

the short term — protecting human lives — and in the

longer term — preserving life for humankind.

Faced with these realities of hope and worry in

the world, the European Union takes up its

responsibility, and that is my third point. We act,

supporting the forces of hope and fighting the causes of

worry, and very concretely so.

We fight the causes of worry with means and

money. The European Union is the world’s largest

donor of development aid and a major donor of climate

finance for the poorest nations.

We fight the causes of worry with manpower. We

have not only tens of thousands of development

workers, but also thousands of soldiers, policemen and

judges in missions around the world, peacekeeping in

Africa’s Great Lake region, training police in

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Afghanistan and Iraq, patrolling off the coast of

Somalia.

We fight the causes of worry with a sense of the

global common good. In the issues of global

governance, Europe looks for solutions. We are

constructive in world trade negotiations, ambitious in

climate talks and forthcoming in the reform of the

international financial institutions, recognizing the

shift in global economic power. We simply cannot

accept a stalemate, be it in Durban, Doha, Rio or

Cannes.

We fight the causes of worry with expertise in

mediation. We mediate in conflicts in our

neighbourhood and beyond, drawing from our

experience of overcoming age-old rivalries. In the

Balkans, we bring parties together, and, as a member of

the Quartet, we are fully engaged in finding a solution

in the Middle East peace process.

I would say a word on that issue. The parameters

for a solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are well

known. The European Union has outlined these on

numerous occasions, including here at the United

Nations. There is no reason to repeat them. Now is the

time for politics, dialogue and negotiations.

Populations have lived in fear and suffering for too

long.

The principle of a two-State solution was

established more than 60 years ago. Only half of it has

been implemented. The European Union’s political

position on the Middle East peace process is well

established; it includes a reference to the 1967 borders,

with territorial swaps acceptable to both parties.

Moreover, the Union is fully supporting financially the

State-building process of the Palestinian Authority.

Now, the resumption of direct talks between

Israel and the Palestinian Authority is the top priority.

The legitimate aspirations of both the Palestinian and

the Israeli peoples for peace, safety and statehood must

be fulfilled with an agreement that will lead to the

existence of two States living side by side in peace and

security, and therefore include Israel’s legitimate

security needs and the Palestinians’ desire to end the

occupation.

That is why I say to the leaders on both sides:

The time to act is now. There are political risks, but

they need to take them, just like some of their

predecessors did, with a view to offering a better and

safer future to their communities. The status quo is no

option. The winds of change across the entire region

should help them to get out of the impasses. I say to

the leaders on both sides: History is a severe judge of

short-sightedness. Over time, it only rewards political

courage and statesmanship. From the European

experience, we can tell them that a lasting compromise

is grounded in mutual sacrifice and trust.

In a few weeks, a woman somewhere will give

birth to a child, the 7-billionth human being on Earth.

The birth of a baby is the strongest sign of hope. But

on what planet will this child live? As things stand, we

cannot be certain of saving the environment. Present

patterns of production and consumption are

unsustainable. Moreover, our actions to combat climate

change are insufficient and below the politically agreed

objectives.

Clearly, more needs to be done to align words and

deeds, starting at the United Nations Climate Change

Conference to be held in Durban. Europe sticks to its

commitments. We are delivering on the emissions

targets, and we invite the rest of the industrialized

countries to join us. At the coming United Nations

Conference on Sustainable Development, the world

should show its renewed commitment to sustainable

development. Green growth must become the rallying

cry in countries big and small, rich and poor. And as I

said, Europe is ready to help the most vulnerable

nations.

Europe fulfils its responsibilities in the world and

at home. We are now facing our most serious test in

years — the sovereign debt crisis in the Eurozone.

European leaders are making decisions, individually

and jointly, to bring this storm to an end. We are acting

with determination and in a spirit of solidarity. It

requires political courage and statesmanship.

The responsibility that I sense around the table

with our 27 Presidents and Prime Ministers is not just

related to the euro’s weakest economies, or to the

eurozone alone. No, we feel a responsibility for the

world economy as such. Looking to the weeks and

months ahead, the Assembly may be assured that we

will continue to do what it takes to safeguard the

financial stability of the eurozone, working on more

governance, more fiscal discipline and more fiscal

integration. It is the defining challenge for my

generation.

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We are aware that people in other economies look

to us, since our problems may affect their jobs,

pensions or savings. We likewise expect the other

major economies to take responsibility for their

internal challenges. Each has to bring its own house in

order, be it by bringing down its public debt,

stimulating domestic demand or aligning exchange

rates to economic fundamentals.

Clearly, our agenda is much broader. Members

may rest assured that Europe will continue to stand

shoulder to shoulder with the United Nations in order

to build a world of peace and security, to promote the

universal values of human rights and democracy, and

to fight famine and poverty. In an increasingly

globalized world, the role of the United Nations is

crucial. Europe’s 500 million citizens reject any

turning inward or splendid isolation. Furthermore, the

world does not belong to any one nation. This world is

our world, and it belongs to us all.