Egypt, 1995

It

gives me great pleasure to extend to the President, and to

his friendly country, Portugal, our congratulations on his

election as President of the General Assembly for this

historic session, which crowns 50 years of international

work under the banner of the United Nations in the service

of humanity, individuals and peoples.

I should also like to express our profound appreciation

to His Excellency Mr. Amara Essy, Minister for Foreign

Affairs of Côte d’Ivoire, for his wise conduct of the work

of the forty-ninth session and for his valuable efforts in the

preparatory work for the celebration of the fiftieth

anniversary.

We now live in an age wherein the international map

of political relations is being redrawn, side by side with the

reshaping of the scales of economic relations and, probably,

the essence of existing social and cultural systems. The

universal nature of issues and the similarity of the problems

facing our contemporary societies have become the

principal feature of our world. Consequently, the only way

to deal with such issues and problems is to promote and

rationalize international cooperation, since the majority of

the problems we face today cannot be dealt with

unilaterally at a time when the fluctuations of financial

markets, the transactions of transnational corporations and

the impact of information networks and communication

satellites all transcend the national boundaries of States. We

cannot hope to succeed in dealing with problems against

such a complex backdrop without international and

collective action in the interests of the entire human race.

In this, we see a very significant role for the United

Nations in formulating the modern concepts needed in

dealing with problems in such a difficult and complex era.

Although the ending of the cold war did remove

tremendous obstacles that, for so long, had adversely

affected efforts of international cooperation in all fields,

this, in itself, has not been conducive to the spontaneous

emergence of a new international order based on legality,

justice, and democracy, that is capable of maintaining

peace and bringing prosperity to peoples. This requires a

consensual vision of what the content and rules of such a

new international order should be. It also requires the

dissipation of the growing fears that many countries now

harbour as a result of the tendency to entrench policies of

double standards, to look for some ideological or

intellectual foe to demonize and to make a target for

criticism, international mobilization and techniques of

subjugation.

This can be seen clearly in the performance of the

Security Council and in its hesitant posture when it comes

to facing up to certain situations, probably because of the

lack of the necessary political will, or to the fact that that

will falls hostage to conflicting attitudes. Again, this may

be due to the fact that we, as an international community,

are still unable to develop a concept of a system of

collective security that would be in consonance with the

provisions of the United Nations Charter.

In this connection, let us call to mind the tragedies

of ethnic genocide perpetrated against the people of

Bosnia and Herzegovina. Having done this, let us call to

mind the ability, the inability or the ambivalence

demonstrated in reacting to those international crimes and

the adverse impact they have had on the credibility of the

world order, of which the United Nations continues to be

a principal cornerstone. We need to pause and review the

collective-security system and how we can improve it.

We must also consider the need for a parallel economic-

and social-security system in the light of the global trend

towards market economies and in the light also of the

achievements made in the General Agreement on Tariffs

and Trade (GATT) and the related problems in the

developing world, which constitutes the overwhelming

majority of the human race.

It is no longer possible to face up to the challenges

of tomorrow with the methods of yesterday, especially

that the concept of security is no longer limited to

territories or national boundaries at a time when most

armed conflicts take place within such national

boundaries, and when the lack of economic and social

development has become a universally grave problem. It

follows from this that the challenge which now faces the

international community represented by the United

Nations has to do with the extent of the Organization’s

ability to address such new issues, with the degree of its

success in forging an international and democratic

consensus in that regard, and with the presence or

absence of the political will to enable the United Nations

to perform its role through the provision of the resources

it must have in order for it to do so.

The United Nations has made an outstanding

contribution towards the promotion of international

awareness of issues which stand as milestones in the

history of the twentieth century, prominent among which

5

are decolonization, the eradication of apartheid and dealing

with the issues of economic and social development and

human rights. Such concepts have now become the very

foundations of civilized international behaviour.

Having said this, we must say that what the future

requires is a new universal social contract as I called for in

my statement before the General Assembly at the forty-

seventh session, in commenting on the Secretary-General’s

“Agenda for Peace” submitted in 1992. A series of

international conferences on children, on the environment,

on human rights, on population, on social development and

on women have provided the international community with

a wealth of programmes of action and ideas which could

provide solid basis for drawing up the universal social

contract we propose in order for our work to lead to

development, security and peace.

Whether the United Nations is able to forge such

consensus, will depend on its ability to close the credibility

gap from which it has suffered over the past few years. No

amount of administrative reform or restructuring, however

great, would enable it to rise to the demands of this new

era unless such reform is accompanied by the mobilization

of the political will to support the United Nations and to

uphold its credibility together with a process of conceptual

reform that should be inspired by the ideals and objectives

of the Charter and should aim at formulating a modern

programme of action that responds to the realities, issues

and challenges of today’s world.

In order for the United Nations to lead international

action in such directions, it must enjoy financial stability.

Such stability cannot be achieved without our collective

commitment to pay in full our assessed contributions to the

Organization’s budget. Egypt hopes that the Member States

shall seize the opportunity of the celebration of the fiftieth

anniversary of the founding of the Organization, truly a

historic occasion, by issuing a declaration committing all

Members, and especially all the States permanent members

of the Security Council, to pay all assessed contributions

and all arrears before the end of the year, to underscore our

collective and genuine support for the Organization.

The General Assembly has achieved a great deal over

the past 50 years in the political, economic, social and

environmental fields and has contributed to the

establishment of principles of international conduct in the

spheres of democracy, respect for human rights and the

codification and development of the principles of

international law. However, the present era is a time for

reformulating international relations, which requires the

Assembly to perform a new role that promotes our

collective capacity in the areas of security, development

and international cooperation.

The Secretary-General’s initiatives have also

contributed to initiating a discussion of such hot issues as

preventive diplomacy, peace-building in post-conflict

situations, and coordination between the United Nations

and other international and regional bodies. Such

discussions have shown that there is a growing tendency

to attach increasing importance to such issues, particularly

on the part of the developing countries, a matter which

highlights the need to promote the focal role of the

General Assembly in building international consensus on

such important issues.

The growing tendency to develop and reform the

United Nations has focused attention on the Security

Council’s role and its performance. It was only natural

that the General Assembly should have focused on

discussing the rules and procedures that the Security

Council should follow, particularly in the areas that need

to be reviewed in the light of the latest developments in

international affairs.

Any in-depth examination of the Council’s role in

the light of such developments would highlight the fact

that many of the substantive and procedural aspects of the

Council’s work need to be reviewed, either by the

Council itself or by the General Assembly if the Council

should fail to do so. Since the end of the cold war, the

Council’s performance has tended to be characterized by

certain features of which stand out the ineffectiveness of

some of its resolutions, which lend themselves to many

diverse interpretations and the tendency of some of those

resolutions to aim at achieving political objectives whose

objectivity is often debatable. All such aspects have an

undoubted effect on the Council’s credibility and efficacy.

The ongoing consultations in the Working Groups on

how to improve the methods and procedures relating to

the imposition and lifting of sanctions by the Council

highlight the concern felt by the Member States over such

matters. The point is that, in such cases, there should be

a minimum level of safeguards, through the application of

a set of agreed, uniform rules and procedures, in order for

the imposing and lifting of sanctions to take place in a

manner that strikes a balance between, on the one hand,

the interests of the international community and, on the

other, the extent of the human suffering endured by

peoples on whom the sanctions are imposed.

6

The increasing importance the international community

attaches to the question of reforming the Security Council

has focused attention on a number of issues such as the

need to improve the Council’s practices and procedures,

improve its performance and underscore the need for

transparency in its work.

Egypt is convinced that there exists consensus of

opinion that there is a need to increase the membership of

the Council in order to expand international participation in

discharging the major responsibility of the Organization

and, thereby, to promote the Council’s efficiency. We are

also aware of the heavy responsibilities that go with

membership in the Council. Proceeding from this and given

Egypt’s regional and international contributions in the

contexts of Arab, African and Middle Eastern affairs and

other spheres, together with its constant support of United

Nations activities, we believe that Egypt is well placed in

the ranks of the States qualified to bear the responsibility of

membership in a new and expanded Security Council that

would be more equitable and balanced in its representation

of the different regions of the world.

When we speak of expanding Security Council

membership, we do not have in mind a mere increase in the

number of permanent seats allocated to the developed

countries at the expense of the developing countries. What

we have in mind is striking the necessary balance between

the developed and the developing countries, by reinforcing

the Council with a number of developing countries that are

capable of shouldering such a responsibility and are capable

of having the necessary impact at the regional and the

international levels, in a manner that would make the

Council more representative of international reality and,

thereby, much more effective in dealing with international

issues.

On the other hand, and from a more practical point of

view, we believe that the ideas put forward by Egypt and

by other countries concerning the addition of a number of

new, rotating seats for a specific number of States would

afford a larger number of States the opportunity of sharing

in exercising the responsibilities of membership in the

Council. We believe that this would promote the Council’s

role, enhance its credibility as a body that is truly

representative and enrich it with the membership of

countries that play important and effective roles in their

regions.

I should like to seize this opportunity to put on record

that Egypt welcomes the consultations the Security Council

conducts with the countries that contribute troops to peace-

keeping operations, and call upon the Council to adhere

to the spirit of the provisions of Article 44 of the Charter

by institutionalizing such consultations so that they may

become an integral part of the decision-making process in

relation to any peace-keeping operation. This would

increase the chances of success for all such operations.

Here I must point out the vital role that could be

performed by regional organizations and arrangements, in

accordance with Chapter VIII of the Charter, in

maintaining international peace and security in general

and in the area of preventive diplomacy in particular. In

this connection, I should like to mention that Egypt has

set up the “Cairo Centre for the Settlement of Disputes

and the Maintenance of Peace in Africa”, and that we are

confident that this Centre will receive the necessary

assistance from the United Nations Department of Peace-

keeping Operations and from States with the necessary

expertise in this field.

The founding of the United Nations was

contemporaneous with the beginning, 50 years ago, of a

sad chapter in the evolution of the question of Palestine

that triggered the Arab-Israeli conflict, with all the wars

and tragedies that conflict entailed. Now, half a century

later, we witness the beginnings of a comprehensive

settlement to this question and the progress towards an

Arab-Israeli peace. The United Nations has left its imprint

on all aspects of the question of Palestine and the

Arab-Israeli conflict. Some of its earlier resolutions

sparked off the Arab-Israeli wars. Some others have laid

the foundations for a peaceful settlement, such as Security

Council resolution 242 (1967), and resolution 425 (1978)

on Lebanon, the resolutions on Al-Quds, the refugees and

the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination.

A few days ago, in Washington, we witnessed the

signing of the transitional-phase agreement by the

Palestinian President, Yasser Arafat, and the Israeli Prime

Minister, Yitzhak Rabin. This is a historic achievement

towards resolving the Palestinian problem, as it initiates

the second phase of the agreement concluded between the

two parties and expands Palestinian authority to the West

Bank. This is a sound move that brings Palestine closer

to having a full-fledged Government with its legislative,

executive and judiciary branches within a preliminary

regional framework.

Although the agreement is transitional and

represents a delicate balance of commitments between the

emerging entity and Israel, it is undoubtedly a major

positive step at the strategic level. In practical terms,

7

paves the way for the partition of the land of Palestine

between Israel and the Palestinian entity which would reach

completion only through the establishment of the

Palestinian State on all the territories of Gaza and the West

Bank. It is important to note here that the Palestinian

parliament, which will be elected within a few months, will

represent also the Palestinian people in Al-Quds.

Early on, Egypt had opted for the role of pioneer in

the long march towards peace in the Middle East. Camp

David and Taba, which were two outstanding milestones on

this long march, have now been joined by a host of other

landmarks along the road to peace. However, we are fully

aware of the obstacles and pitfalls that are still in the way

of a comprehensive peace, both on the Syrian and the

Lebanese tracks, which must be reactivated urgently indeed,

and on the Palestinian track, where everything depends on

the honest and immediate implementation of the agreement

and serious preparations for the Israeli-Palestinian

negotiations on the final status. Egypt looks forward to a

day in the near future when its vision of a new Middle East

would materialize.

From this very rostrum, at the forty-ninth session of

the General Assembly, on behalf of Egypt, I called upon

the States and peoples of the Middle East to give thought

to the shape of our relations in the post-settlement period.

I invited them to join us in formulating the makings and

foundations of new relations between the countries of the

region that would rest squarely on three pillars: political

settlement, economic and social development and regional

security and arms control.

Our views in all this proceed from the conviction that

peace will never become permanent and will never take

root without a balanced and constructive interaction that

would serve the common interests of all parties. I have

touched upon the recent developments in the area of

political settlement. I should like to add here that the

framework of this settlement is still fragile and that it needs

a great deal of prudence and caution. What is needed above

all else in this respect is that all parties should abstain from

taking any unilateral action that might infringe the rights of

the other parties or pre-empt the final outcome of the

negotiations.

The Economic Summit meeting for the Middle East

and North Africa, held in Casablanca in October 1994, was

an important step for regional economic cooperation. The

participants in that meeting may recall Egypt’s insistence

that genuine peace is peace that prevails amongst peoples

and that genuine peace is that which serves as a foundation

for economic cooperation. As we move closer to the

Amman summit, scheduled to be held towards the end of

October 1995, we reiterate that belief and call for real

progress on the different tracks of the peace process in

order to provide the necessary conditions for promoting

cooperation in the region.

In this connection, Egypt believes that it is the issues

of arms control and regional security that will determine

the form and extent of cooperation amongst the countries

of the region in the future. Egypt views security, as the

principal mainstay of the edifice of peace in the Middle

East, and believes that it should rest squarely on the firm

foundation of equal rights and obligations for all parties

in the region with regard to disarmament, so that equal

security may be achieved at the minimum level of

armament and guaranteed through the defining of

common rights and interests and not through the

acquisition of weapons of mass destruction.

Proceeding from this, we call for initiating concrete

steps towards:

- Israel’s accession to the Treaty on the Non-

Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and subjecting

its nuclear facilities to the International Atomic Energy

Agency (IAEA) international regime of safeguards and

inspection.

- Engaging in discussion aimed at establishing a

zone free of weapons of mass destruction in the Middle

East.

- Reviewing the relevant international agreements on

disarmament, by the countries of the region, with a view

to harmonizing their positions and commitments regarding

those agreements.

I seize this opportunity to call upon the permanent

Members of the Security Council which sponsored the

resolution relating to the Middle East in the Review and

Extension Conference of the States Parties to the Treaty

on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons to take

concrete steps that would ensure the accession to the

Treaty by all States of the region and to initiate the

establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the

Middle East in accordance with the Egyptian initiative

which has enjoyed the consensus of all the parties

concerned for more than 15 years now.

Speaking of the Middle East, I shall now address the

situation in the countries neighbouring Egypt. I shall

8

begin by extending a brotherly greeting to the brotherly

people of Sudan and say that only what is right and true

will prove to be right and true in the end and that things

will inescapably revert to normal in a Sudan that will be

free from the politics of terrorism under the guise of

religion. The historical ties of friendship that took root over

the ages between our two peoples will continue to flow as

strongly as the flow of the river Nile through our two

countries. Egypt, which does not change its position on

such matters, clearly reaffirms its support for the unity and

territorial integrity of Sudan within its political borders.

On the western borders of Egypt, we can state that

Libya now has the firm political will to put an end to the

Lockerbie crisis by accepting the trial of the accused and

by working for practical solutions within the framework of

implementing the relevant Security Council resolutions. In

the interests of justice and fairness to the families of the

victims, any objective view of the problem would

underscore the importance of respecting international

legality by accelerating the process of trying those accused

of perpetrating an international crime.

On the other hand, the stability of the Middle East

requires the achievement of the security and stability of the

Gulf. In Iraq, the suffering of the Iraqi people continues as

that people lives under very cruel conditions. Even the

territorial integrity of Iraq is being threatened continuously,

a matter which we shall never accept or acquiesce in. We

do look forward to the day in the near future when the

suffering of the Iraqi people will come to an end and Iraq

will resume exercising its rights and obligations as a

responsible member of the Arab family and the

international community.

Now that the Iraqi Government has recognized the

sovereignty of Kuwait and its international borders in

accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions,

we hope that resolving the problem of the prisoners of war

and the detainees, side by side with the fact that it has

complied with the provisions of Security Council

resolutions on weapons of mass destruction will be the first

major step towards easing the sanctions imposed on Iraq as

stipulated in resolution 687 (1991). We also hope that this

will lead to practical steps by the Council towards the

establishment of a zone free of weapons of mass

destruction in the Middle East in implementation of

paragraph 14 of the said resolution, the only paragraph of

the resolution which has remained unimplemented.

Across the gulf, we invite Iran, with which the Arab

world entertains well-known links and well-known

differences at the same time, to seek to settle the problem

of the Arab islands in the Gulf, namely: Abu Musa and

Greater and Lesser Tunb Islands and to respect the

sovereignty of the United Arab Emirates. This will no

doubt serve the interests of stability in that part of the

Middle East and work in favour of normal Arab-Iranian

relations.

Allow me to state candidly that we are finding it

increasingly difficult to promote moral support for the

United Nations because of a general feeling of frustration

vis-à-vis what is going on in the world. Such frustration

was inevitable in view of the destruction, killings and war

crimes in Bosnia and Herzegovina against the backdrop

of an unjustified dereliction of duty on the part of the

international community vis-à-vis those atrocities. This,

very naturally, has led to a great deal of questioning about

the double standards which have come to be the main

characteristic of the so-called new international order and

have deprived that order of credibility even before it took

concrete shape.

Allowing the United Nations-declared “safe areas”

to fall has shaken the international order and raised

doubts regarding the effectiveness of the peace-keeping

system. The continuing deterioration of the situation in

Bosnia has led the Islamic countries to take a decision to

reject the applicability of the arms embargo on Bosnia

since it contradicts the right to legitimate self-defence

enshrined in the United Nations Charter, when necessary.

However, we welcome the current international

peace efforts aimed at halting the bloody conflict in

Bosnia and Herzegovina, provided that such efforts and

policies do not lead to Bosnia’s partitioning or

fragmentation, and provided that the peace plans will

prove to be honest in their formulations and objectives.

We also welcome the parties’ success in reaching a

declaration of principles on a regional settlement and

hope that the ongoing negotiations will lead to a

comprehensive, just and viable solution which would

respect legality and help bring stability to the region.

Proceeding from our constant support for the rights

of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina and their just

cause, we accept what their Government deems

acceptable, especially that, as the whole world has seen,

President Alija Izetbegovic has shown admirable

flexibility and has responded positively to international

legality throughout all the stages of the crisis. At the

same time, we underline the need for the negotiation

process not to ignore the fundamental principles

9

established by the United Nations in dealing with this

problem. In particular, we underscore here, the following

principles:

First: Any attempt to treat the aggressor on the same

footing as the victim of aggression is unacceptable. Pressure

should not be brought to bear on the weaker party under the

pretext of searching for applicable solutions.

Second: The territorial map of Bosnia and

Herzegovina should not be redrawn in a manner that would

consecrate the results of aggression, expansionism and

ethnic cleansing.

Third: Recognizing an entity for the Bosnian Serbs

inside the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina requires the

international community to deal very carefully indeed with

the lack of political, military and institutional balance

between the parties. It also requires international guarantees

to ensure the implementation of any eventual settlement.

This highlights the importance of arming the government of

Bosnia Herzegovina with the necessary defensive means

that would enable it to exercise its legitimate right to self-

defence in consonance with the Charter, so that this

Member State of the United Nations may not continue to be

exposed to destruction or fragmentation should the Serbs

renege on the commitment to respect Bosnia’s territorial

integrity.

Fourth: The measures of collective security measures

should be applied, if necessary, to support the negotiation

process until the plan for a regional settlement is put into

effect.

Fifth: War criminals must be punished for the crimes

they have perpetrated. Short of this, it will be farcical to

talk of upholding human rights in any part of the world and

expect people to take such talk seriously.

As we speak of the situation in Bosnia and

Herzegovina, I must commend the efforts of the United

Nations Protection Force and salute, in particular, the sons

of my country, the Egyptian officers and soldiers who are

bravely carrying out their duties under very difficult

conditions. I should like also, to stress in this connection

the need for the United Nations Forces should continue to

carry out their mandate until the Bosnian Government army

becomes capable of shouldering its tasks in defence of

Bosnia’s territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty.

The fact that the Economic and Social Council

allocated the high-level segment of its last substantive

session to discussing the problems of development in

Africa is proof of the United Nations awareness of the

serious challenges facing economic and social

development in the continent. It is essential to intensify

international efforts aimed at restructuring the economies

of African countries, diversifying their exports and

strengthening regional integration amongst the countries

of Africa, particularly since the Abuja agreement which

established the African Economic Community has entered

into force.

Egypt’s awareness of the seriousness and urgency of

these challenges and of the need to face up to them led it

to call for a special extraordinary ministerial session of

the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The meeting

took place in March 1995 and adopted the Cairo Plan of

Action for economic and social development in Africa.

Even a cursory look at the overall situation in Africa

would reveal that the urgent need for a climate of peace

and stability, makes it necessary for the United Nations to

increase its contribution towards the creation of such a

climate, in coordination and cooperation with the

Organization of African Unity. This highlights the

importance of the efforts deployed by the African

countries towards supporting and developing the OAU’s

mechanism for the prevention, management and resolution

of disputes in Africa. Such efforts require the financial

and technical support from both the United Nations and

the international community.

As I speak, tension persists in many parts of Africa.

In particular, Rwanda and Burundi, Egypt’s sisterly

partners in great resource, the Nile, continue to be in the

grip of a situation that endangers the stability and security

of a large area of Africa. This calls for solutions that

would allow everyone to live in a society based on justice

and equality. Egypt believes that the proposed regional

conference for the countries of the Great Lakes region

must elaborate regional policies aimed at finding solutions

to the problems of the countries of the region from an

overall perspective that would take into account the plight

of refugees, ethnic conflicts and other matters. Although

the primary responsibility for finding solutions to such

problem rests with the countries of the region, which

must manifest a spirit of tolerance and moderation if they

are to achieve national reconciliation and social peace, the

United Nations is called upon to support all the efforts

deployed in that direction, in line with the Secretary-

General’s oft-repeated pledge that the United Nations

shall pay attention on an equal footing to the problems of

all regions of the world.

10

In Somalia, Egypt hopes that all parties will adhere to

African values and listen to the voice of reason in order for

them to extricate the Somali people from its cruel plight.

Such a review of the hotbeds of tension and crises in

Africa should not detract from the importance of the

positive developments that have taken place in Africa over

the past two years, particularly in Mozambique, Angola and

more recently in Liberia. These have been truly important

achievements which were made possible by good intentions

and through the effective role played by the United Nations

and the OAU. We do hope that all parties, especially in

Angola and Liberia, will remain committed to the

agreements to restore peace and normal life in these two

sister countries.

I turn now to the world economy. In this respect,

allow me to state that, although the responsibility for

achieving development and improving economic

performance falls mainly on the shoulders of the States

concerned, we believe that the solidarity of the international

community — through the establishment of a propitious

economic environment and extending a helping hand — is

a very important element in the area of development.

The growing marginalization of the role of the

developing countries in an increasingly interdependent

world could adversely affect stability. We heartily welcome

the ideas which the Secretary-General set out in his Agenda

for Development and hope that the General Assembly’s

deliberations on the Agenda will contribute to correcting the

current serious imbalances.

There is a need, as a matter of priority that should be

addressed with courage and creativity, to reformulate

policies and solutions to the problem of the external debt of

the developing countries that would help create a climate of

equal opportunity amongst peoples and nations and make

use of the latent potential of many parts of the world in

paving the way towards balanced and comprehensive

development at the threshold of the twenty-first century.

The liberalization of international trade is an essential

ingredient of economic growth. However, this liberalization

requires rationalization in the light of the present structural

imbalances and the huge and widening gap between the

developing and the developed countries. Moreover, the

selective policies pursued by some developed countries in

liberalizing their trade and the disguised protectionist

policies which are put in place behind a façade of

environmental, human rights or other considerations,

contradict the spirit and the call for liberalizing international

trade and would lead to the worsening and entrenchment

of the present imbalances.

We welcome the World Trade Organization as it

begins its work. We hope that rectifying those imbalances

will be one of its most important concerns in the future.

We should also like to stress the need for the United

Nations Conference on Trade and Development to

continue to perform its role as the international

negotiating forum that is qualified to build consensus on

issues relating to free trade and development and also as

the very valuable source of technical assistance and

information on world trade for the developing countries.

Changes on the international economic arena make

it necessary to embark on a broad review of the role, the

capabilities and the structures of international financing

institutions with a view to enabling those institutions to

respond to those changes and to the requirements of

comprehensive and sustainable development in a manner

that would reflect the spirit of democracy and reform.

There is no doubt that the phenomenon of terrorism

has become cause for deep concern to many peoples who

have become fed up with criminal acts that aim at

terrorizing whole societies and with the export of

terrorism by countries that, having allowed themselves to

become safe havens for extremism and bases for assassins

and criminals, have hosted terrorists and provided them

with refuge, protection and assistance.

In this connection, I should like to point out that

events have shown that terrorism is not limited to any

specific geographical area or to any culture or religion.

Therefore, it is not wise for some to try to pretend that

Islam is synonymous with extremism. Also, it would be

absolutely unfair to ignore the fundamental difference

between Islam, a religion of tolerance that upholds human

values, and the terrorism practised by certain

fundamentalist, so-called religious groups that are deviants

from Islam. It is therefore incumbent upon us to

implement the Declaration on Measures to Eliminate

International Terrorism, which we adopted last year. Let

us close the door in the face of those whose hands are

smeared with the blood of innocent victims and develop

a strict legal regime to prosecute terrorists and try them

for the heinous crimes they perpetrate to the detriment of

international stability and security.

In conclusion, I should like to pay tribute to the

outstanding role and sincere efforts of the Secretary-

General, Mr. Boutros-Ghali, to enhance and revitalize the

11

United Nations so that it may cope with the realities of our

era and the expectations of our peoples for peace, security,

development, justice and equality. Egypt is proud to see one

of its prominent sons at the helm of the United Nations, at

this important juncture of its history and during this critical

era of the history of mankind.

Now that we are celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of

the United Nations, we find ourselves still far from

achieving the noble goals and objectives enshrined in its

Charter. On the threshold of a new century and a new

millennium, we have to work together to support the United

Nations and strengthen its capabilities. This is an absolute

necessity if we are to look to the future with confidence

and hope for a better life for everyone.