Botswana, 1999

I take great pleasure in

congratulating you most warmly, my dear brother, on your

election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its

fifty-fourth session. Your great country, Namibia, and its

illustrious leader, President Sam Nujoma, have been very

generous indeed in allowing us to benefit from the

prodigious knowledge and experience you command on the

workings of the United Nations, having spent the better part

of your life in this institution. We are confident that under

your seasoned leadership the fifty-fourth session will serve

as a fitting climax to a tragic century. My delegation is

ready to render you all the support you will no doubt need

in carrying out your onerous responsibilities.

Your predecessor, Mr. Didier Opertti, has earned our

admiration and gratitude by the exemplary manner in which

he presided over the fifty-third session of the General

Assembly. We thank his country, Uruguay, for allowing us

to tap his wisdom and benefit from his leadership skills.

Our Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, and his team

in the Secretariat have continued to discharge their

responsibilities with unstinting devotion. The problems they

have to deal with, and/or seek solutions to, are enormous,

and yet they remain undaunted. We owe them an immense

debt of gratitude.

We warmly welcome in our midst three new members

of our Organization, Nauru, Kiribati and Tonga. We wish

them the best and assure them of our friendship and

solidarity.

Despite the many horrors of the twilight of this

turbulent century — the civil wars, the rampant terrorism

in many places and other acts of savagery committed

against millions of our fellow human beings all over the

world — we have made commendable progress in the

past few years in the maintenance of global peace and

security and the consolidation of freedom and democracy.

An increasing number of the world's nations have

organized successful elections in the past few years, many

with the help of the United Nations. In two weeks’ time,

my own country, Botswana, will for the seventh

successive time in a generation afford its citizens another

opportunity to exercise their democratic right to choose

their leaders.

Political pluralism may not have taken root in all the

corners of the globe, but it has undoubtedly enthralled the

imagination of all peoples yearning for freedom. It has

become the weapon of choice, a powerful one at that,

against tyranny. Democracy is, of course, not necessarily

a foolproof panacea against all the societal imperfections

that are our natural inheritance as human beings, but we

believe that only in societies where the rights of all

citizens, their fundamental freedoms, their beliefs, their

culture, are protected and allowed the fullest expression

possible under the law, can peace prevail. Peace is a

prerequisite for development, for sustainable development.

At independence in 1966 Botswana was regarded,

and rightly so, as an abject basket case, the poorest of the

poor of the emerging African nations. Our desire to be

free in those inauspicious economic and political

circumstances was derided by those who did not wish us

well as nothing more than a suicidal wish.

Today, a mere generation later, my country prides

itself on having one of the fastest growing economies in

the world, thanks to the peace and stability we have

enjoyed since independence and the wise utilization of the

few resources with which our desert- scarred and drought-

prone country is, thankfully, endowed.

Democracy has been a way of life and second nature

to Botswana. We attribute our peace and stability to it.

We cannot, of course, forget the support we were given

by the international community, particularly during the

early years of our independence.

This is why we welcome the end, at long last, of

military rule in Nigeria, a country whose importance to

our continent and to the world at large cannot be gainsaid.

A vibrant democracy in Nigeria will have a powerful

effect not only on the west African region, but also on the

continent as a whole.

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We pledge our support to our Nigerian brothers and

sisters in their struggle to nurture their democracy and to

reconstruct their economy as well as to rehabilitate their

institutions. We reiterate our aversion to coups and military

rule, and laud the Organization of African Unity (OAU)

Algiers decision to the effect that from now on those who

overthrow Governments by means other than democratic

elections will face isolation by our African community.

We welcome the signing in Togo recently of a peace

agreement between the democratically elected Government

of Sierra Leone and the rebels. We understand fully the

circumstances which compelled President Kabbah to sign

this peace agreement. We hope the agreement will bring

peace to Sierra Leone. We urge the international

community to contribute generously to the rehabilitation

and reconstruction of that devastated country.

The Great Lakes region in Central Africa remains

unstable, despite the signing recently of an Agreement to

end the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The signing of the Agreement by its Government and its

Southern African Development Community (SADC) allies

and the rebels is the first step in a difficult journey to peace

in Central Africa.

The Agreement will, however, amount to nothing

without the full support of the international community, in

particular that of the United Nations. We therefore urge the

Security Council, in collaboration with the Organization of

African Unity (OAU), to become actively involved in the

full implementation of the Lusaka Agreement. Time is of

the essence.

The case of Angola is a very sad one. The departure

of the United Nations from that war-ravaged country has

left a void, which has abetted one of the deadliest conflicts

that has ever afflicted Africa. In the absence of the United

Nations Angola Verification Mission, it is not possible to

assess accurately the magnitude of the slaughter, the

starvation and the general mayhem caused by disease and

landmines in Angola. Nevertheless, we call upon the

international community to intensify its efforts to end the

tragedy, and we firmly believe that the tragedy can be

ended only by the full implementation of the Lusaka

Protocol.

We further call upon those among us who continue to

give Savimbi’s rebellion sustenance to cease doing so. We

must all cooperate in ensuring that sanctions imposed

against UNITA are effective.

We welcome, in this regard, the Security Council’s

recent establishment of panels to investigate violations of

the sanctions imposed against UNITA and to find

effective ways of tightening them. It is our fervent hope

that the panels will not only be able to reveal the

identities of UNITA’s merchants of death, but will also

advise on how such violators of United Nations sanctions

could be deterred from defying the will of the

international community.

The bloody war that has been raging between the

East African neighbours of Eritrea and Ethiopia may be

experiencing a lull as we meet here, but the fact, in our

view, continues to be that this terrible war does not make

sense. It is a war of brothers who, more than anyone else,

should have found it easy to sit down to discuss whatever

differences might have arisen between them. We urge our

two fellow African countries to embrace each other under

the OAU-brokered peace agreement and to make peace.

The question of Western Sahara has been on our

agenda for too long. We urge the parties to redouble their

efforts to conclude the identification process so that a

referendum can be held to decide the future of Western

Sahara once and for all, as called for by the OAU summit

in Algiers.

The decision by Indonesia last year to allow the

people of East Timor to decide their future as they saw fit

was hailed by my country — and, I am sure, by many

others across the globe — as a momentous and wise one.

We lavished praise on Indonesia for this decision, fully

conscious of the fact that it could not have been an easy

one to make.

The decision was quickly followed by the equally

momentous Agreement signed in May this year between

the Governments of Indonesia and Portugal, on one hand,

and the United Nations, on the other, by which the people

of East Timor were to decide their future through a

referendum. We were therefore disappointed, to put it as

mildly as I can, by the tragic events that followed the

holding of the referendum. The unleashing of militias on

an innocent population — which had, with so much

dignity and calm, voted in a referendum, as invited to do

by Indonesia and the United Nations — deeply

disappointed Indonesia’s friends, including my own

country. The destruction of Dili, the capital of East

Timor, and its environs by the militias ennobled no one,

including Indonesia, and deserves our censure.

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Now that the East Timorese have unequivocally stated

their preference, which is independence, they should be

afforded all the assistance they need to fulfil their national

aspirations without hindrance. Relations between the soon-

to-be independent State of East Timor and the Republic of

Indonesia should be cordial, and it is our hope that this will

be the case.

The resuscitation of the Wye River Memorandum and

its implementation recently have given a needed fillip to the

peace process between the Israelis and the Palestinians.

This gives us hope for the final phase of the negotiations

that have just begun. We urge the Israeli authorities and the

Palestinians to persevere in the quest for peace in the

Middle East.

In the past few years we have witnessed a

proliferation of summits and major conferences aimed at

building a consensus on issues as diverse as women and

development, youth, the environment, human rights,

population and social development, human settlements,

education and health. We have also convened conferences

to address the dangers of weapons of mass destruction and

to intensify the campaign against landmines. If summitry

and conferences alone were the solution to the world’s ills,

our planet would by now have become a wonderful place

to live. But this is not at all the case.

The cold war may have ended, but the old danger or

threat posed to the security of humankind by weapons of

mass destruction remains. This is, as always, exacerbated

by the build-up of conventional weapons beyond the

legitimate requirements of self-defence. Once again we urge

those concerned to show political will and commitment by

taking progressive measures to reduce nuclear weapons

globally, with the ultimate goal of eliminating them.

The adoption by the OAU of the Pelindaba Treaty and

the establishment of the African Nuclear-Weapon-Free

Zone has demonstrated Africa’s commitment to an early

conclusion of a legally binding instrument to avert the

dangers posed by nuclear weapons. We will continue to

work assiduously with our partners in the developing world

to pursue efforts aimed at ridding the southern hemisphere

of all weapons of mass destruction, particularly nuclear

weapons.

Landmines have continued to maim and kill innocent

people. We must redouble our efforts to ban their

production, stockpiling and use. We must all become party

to the 1997 Convention on the Prohibition of the Use,

Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-personnel

Mines and on Their Destruction.

The challenges of development have become more

formidable in today’s globalizing world. Increased

integration of markets and the rapid transfer of technology

and of other innovations, as well as a wide array of

economic, social and political relationships, band our

nations together and dictate a common destiny for our

peoples. To survive the global competition, we in the

developing world must timeously and adequately respond

to the opportunities and challenges facing us. In order to

do so we need to vigorously pursue strategies that will

increase trade prospects. We need also to raise the

productivity of our labour force and the quality of our

human resources. It is crucial that in our pursuit of

sustainable economic development, the basic tenets of

democracy and good governance be upheld at all times

and never be sacrificed.

At the Algiers summit of the OAU, our leaders had

substantive discussions on how to harness the forces of

globalization for the benefit of the African region and for

the prosperity of our peoples. They solemnly committed

themselves to striving to ensure that globalization does

not transform Africa into a marginalized bystander. We

recognize, however, that to move forward, the entire

international community has to be fully engaged. This

would by no means be merely a charitable act, but rather

an investment in global peace and security.

The United Nations, as a universal forum, is

uniquely placed to promote international cooperation by

addressing the challenges of development in the context

of interdependence. However, this can be achieved only

if the United Nations is provided adequate financial

resources. We note with deep concern that the last five

years have seen a steady decline in the resources of the

United Nations Development Programme, the leading

operational arm of the United Nations.

Far too many of our people live in abject poverty.

Far too many die of preventable diseases such as

tuberculosis and malaria. Unemployment remains

pervasive, especially among the young.

Africa’s economic recovery and growth potential

continue to be frustrated by the mounting foreign debt.

Despite the numerous relief efforts, a durable solution to

the problem has remained unattainable. My delegation

acknowledges the efforts being made through the Heavily

Indebted Poor Countries Debt (HIPC) Initiative in 1996.

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But while the HIPC Initiative can be a catalyst in the

search for the solution, it cannot be the solution itself. To

reach the heart of the debt problem, it is imperative that the

debtors and the creditors acknowledge the seriousness of

the problem and work together to strike a compromise that

could yield long-term results.

We appreciate the efforts being made by the Bretton

Woods institutions and the donor Governments to address

the debt problem, particularly the seminar recently held in

the Kenyan capital of Nairobi, chaired by the President of

Botswana, Mr. Festus Mogae, whose results we hope will

be followed up. We still believe, however, that the

permanent solution to Africa’s debt problem should go

beyond the mere rescheduling of the debt-payment period

to outright cancellation and debt forgiveness.

The alarming rate of the spread of the HIV/AIDS

pandemic is undoubtedly the most worrisome and urgent

problem facing sub-Saharan Africa, Botswana being one of

the hardest-hit countries. My Government is responding

with an aggressive national information and education

campaign to combat this destructive disease. The

achievements made so far in the health sector and the

economy are in jeopardy.

The advancement of women and the elimination of all

forms of discrimination and violence against them in many

societies are yet to be achieved. Women and young girls

are still subjected to all manner of brutalities.

The plight of millions of children who are conscripted

into armies in various parts of the world is an outrage. The

images of children being conscripted and trained to

participate in senseless wars caused by the folly of adults

dehumanizes us all. Everything must be done to discourage

this evil practice and to punish those who insist on

perpetrating it. The Government of Botswana fully supports

the work of the Special Representative of General

Assembly for Children and Armed Conflict and remains

fully committed to upholding all the international legal

instruments on the rights of children. My delegation

attaches great importance to these issues and urges the

community of nations here gathered to join their efforts in

the search for solutions to these socio-economic problems.

In turning now to the reform of the United Nations, let

me briefly say the following: A wise man adapts to

circumstances, as water shapes itself to the vessel that

contains it. So says a Chinese proverb. That the United

Nations, particularly its Security Council, needs to adapt

itself to the era in which it exists today, I think is

axiomatic. The fact that the Security Council’s

undemocratic composition is an insult to the

overwhelming majority of the Members of this

Organization is also, I think, self-evident and recognized

as such even by those who would, if allowed, keep this

important organ as it is.

Africa, demands to be properly represented in the

Security Council in both categories of representation. We

will never tire of insisting on our demand for three

additional non-permanent seats and at least two permanent

seats.

Let me conclude by once again wishing you well,

Sir, in your tenure of office as President of the General

Assembly at its fifty-fourth session. We can assure you

that our commitment to the United Nations remains as

strong as ever. This Organization, I am sure we all agree,

is irreplaceable.