Belize, 2009

Please permit me to

congratulate Mr. Ali Abdussalam Treki, on behalf of

the Prime Minister, Government and people of Belize,

on having assumed the presidency of the General

Assembly at its sixty-fourth session and to wish him

every success in his stewardship. Permit me also to

extend my Government’s thanks to Mr. Miguel d’Escoto

Brockmann for his excellent stewardship of the work

of the sixty-third session of the General Assembly.

Belize is pleased to discharge its obligation by

participating in the general debate of the sixty-fourth

regular session of the General Assembly on the theme

“Effective responses to global crises: strengthening

multilateralism and dialogue among civilizations for

international peace, security and development”.

Just over one week ago, we celebrated the

twenty-eighth anniversary of our independence.

Joining us in the celebrations were members of the

diplomatic core drawn from the four corners of the

globe. And even as we made merry, our collective

minds were silently cogitating upon the crises that are

threatening to destroy our collective way of life and,

indeed, the very planet which sustains us.

All indications are that the aftershocks of the

global economic crisis have now begun to affect

Belize’s real economy. We are experiencing declining

levels of revenue, a worrying reduction in productivity,

diminishing remittances, crushing debt-servicing

obligations, unrelenting budgetary pressures and a

drying up of resources on which to draw.

These challenges are aggravated by other ills that

plague our day-to-day existence. Annually, we are

threatened by hurricanes and floods of ever greater

intensity, which reduce the yields of our farmers, erode

our beaches and wash away vital infrastructure.

Warmer seas damage our great barrier reef and impair

its capacity to incubate and nurture the fish and other

marine organisms that depend upon a healthy reef

system for their survival. Illicit traffickers in drugs and

arms penetrate our borders at will, leaving drug

addicts, broken families, violence, death and

destruction in their wake. Our population is also being

ravaged by HIV/AIDS. Other non-communicable

chronic diseases are approaching pandemic

proportions. All these crises have placed the attainment

of the Millennium Development Goals in Belize in real

jeopardy.

The globalization that was the tide to lift all boats

has not been so even. Its networks of interdependence

have compounded how we as national Governments

can secure the basic needs of our people. Its evolving

system of global governance is unresponsive to the

cares and concerns of middle-income countries like

ours, for despite the devastating impact it is having

upon our economies, we are yet to be invited to the

table to participate in the discussion on the global

economic crisis. Our pleas for an ambitious climate

agreement are yet to be honoured with serious

contemplation in the current negotiations, although the

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viability of our countries hangs in the balance, and the

global commitment of a development-oriented trade

round seems to have been perfunctorily relegated to the

annals of trade-negotiating history. Our demands,

although ceremoniously acknowledged in countless

resolutions and declarations, remain unceremoniously

unmet.

If we are to define an effective global response to

the converging global challenges that confront us, we

must first examine how we are governed. While we, as

Member States of the United Nations, have endorsed

the principle of sovereign equality, it is apparent from

the structural relationships engendered in our

institutions that the principle is honoured more in the

breach than in the observance. The United Nations has

its Security Council and the Permanent Five; the

International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have

their weighted voting and the World Trade

Organization has its green room. In the larger global

arena, we have a proliferation of convenient

groupings — the Group of Six, the Group of Seven, the

Group of Eight, the Group of Twenty and the Major

Economies Forum, to name but a few. The club model

of cooperation is deeply entrenched in our multilateral

system.

While we cannot deny that this model has

facilitated some decisions and agreements, we also

cannot ignore the costs associated with that facilitation.

This model of global governance has progressively

accumulated a debt of trust and confidence among the

wider international community not only as a result of

its manner of exclusive decision-making, but also

because of the lack of implementation of global

decisions and agreements. The club model of

multilateral cooperation suffers from a crisis of

legitimacy.

If we accept that we operate as sovereign equals,

we cannot continue to acquiesce to governance by a

few. We must accept nothing less than equal

representation. In that regard, we recognize and

applaud our brothers from the South who have, through

their economic prowess and political deftness, taken

the mantle of leadership in some international issues.

We are all entitled to be heard and, what is more, we

are all entitled to have the decisions that are made

reflect our concerns if not our demands.

We need a new model for multilateral cooperation

framework in which all nations have meaningful input

into the decision-making process on issues that have a

direct impact on their interests. This requires

fundamental structural reform and not mere cursory

efforts for technocratic coherence. Given the far-

reaching geopolitical consequences that the global

economic crisis has touched off, we now have the

perfect opportunity to redress the shortcomings of the

exclusive club model, thereby restoring trust and

confidence in our multilateral institutions. The time for

inclusive multilateralism is now upon us.

Allow me to now address some of the issues that

bear upon the immediate interests of my people and my

country, Belize. Belize falls within the World Bank

category of middle-income countries. Middle-income

countries play a pivotal role in the global economy and

in global politics. We account for some two thirds of

the world’s population. Our economies provide

important and growing sources of export demand and

investment opportunities. Some economies of middle-

income countries are now even big enough to create

systemic risks in global financial markets. On strategic

issues, middle-income countries have not infrequently

emerged as key players, and one half of the world’s

protected areas are to be found in our countries.

Still, poverty remains prevalent in our countries.

Some three quarters of the world’s poor live in middle-

income countries. We also account for an estimated

47 per cent of global carbon dioxide emissions.

Given the aforementioned, it is evident that

whatever happens in middle-income countries affects

the entire world for better or for worse. For this reason,

if for no other, it is in the interest of the world

community that middle-income countries remain

viable, vibrant and dynamic.

In order for that to happen, however, bilateral and

multilateral institutions must redefine the terms of

engagement with our countries. Rather than focusing

on per capita income, a needs-based analysis is

necessary. Financing arrangements that tend towards

the short and medium term must also be revisited. In

order to build capacity, improve our institutions and

spur economic growth, we need direct fiscal and

budgetary support. Moreover, in view of the high ratio

of debt-to-gross-domestic-product (GDP) in many of

our countries, which has been further exacerbated by

the recent global economic crisis, the need for

concessionary financing and debt relief is ever more

critical.

39 09-52598

During the 1980s and 1990s, the integration of

markets spurred significant growth in high-income

nations, while low-income nations exploited their

comparative advantage in cheap labour. However,

middle-income countries had neither advantage in

knowledge nor low-wage products and consequently, in

real terms, experienced economic stagnation. Many of

us were forced to embark upon a process of

diversification to ensure our continued growth and

development.

Therefore, in the early 1990s, Belize made rapid

strides in building up its international financial services

industry. We did so in accordance with the best

practices of the industry internationally, and we were

guided every step of the way by the recommendations

of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and

Development (OECD). As a country whose GDP is just

over $1 billion, the contribution of this industry to our

economy is significant. A large percentage of the

deposits from the international banking sector has been

used to finance development projects, support our

citrus industry and commercial free zone and export

processing zone businesses, which account for some

$1 billion worth of investments in our country.

Furthermore, since this sector finances only

foreign exchange earning businesses, it enables the

generation of millions of dollars in foreign exchange

that directly supports our fixed exchange rate system.

It is also a source for the creation of relatively high-

quality jobs for many Belizeans. On the whole, in 2008

the international financial services industry accounted

for some 9 per cent of Belize’s GDP and 10 per cent of

its gross imports.

Considering the vital role that this industry plays

in the Belizean economy, ensuring its integrity is in our

best interests. We have developed a regulatory

framework and enacted legislation for its

reinforcement. We have also made commitments to the

OECD to improve transparency and establish an

effective exchange of information. But now, in the

midst of an economic crisis that had its origin in the

financial markets of the developed world, the Group

of 20 (G-20) finds it convenient to reactivate its

harmful tax initiative at the expense — and to the

disadvantage — of an industry we have so

painstakingly and carefully groomed into a productive

sector of our economy.

Beyond the calls for reform, we have heard some

G-20 members call for a complete annihilation of the

industry. If that were to occur, I shudder to think of the

suffering and hardship it would occasion for our

country and people. We are convinced that a more

equitable and effective way to address the issue of

offshore financial services is through a mechanism for

multilateral cooperation in which all States participate

on an equal footing.

Climate change poses perhaps the most serious

threat to our sustainable development and viability. I

need not remind the Assembly of the emerging

scientific evidence, which prognosticates more rapid

climate change and sea-level rise. Let me take this

opportunity to applaud the Secretary-General for

making climate change a priority and for convening

last week’s Summit. The urgency of a global response

to this issue is inescapable. We welcome the various

national and regional efforts to construct mechanisms

to address climate change and its impact. In our region,

Belize hosts the Caribbean Community Climate

Change Centre, which has benefited from the support

of the international community and has been

recognized as a centre of excellence.

However, we know all too well from the impacts

we are observing today that piecemeal action is not

sufficient. In fact, notwithstanding national and

regional action, global greenhouse gas emissions

continue to increase. We can only begin to respond

effectively to this problem by agreeing to implement

ambitious mitigation targets and increasing our support

for adaptation. Considering that small island

developing States and other particularly vulnerable

coastal countries are already experiencing dangerous

climate change, avoiding adverse effects on these

especially vulnerable countries should be the

benchmark for determining our targets and our levels

of support. In that regard, the prophetic words of the

President of the Maldives resonate with good reason:

“If you can’t save the Maldives today you can’t save

yourself tomorrow.”

Building upon the momentum of the much-

proclaimed new era of engagement, we are hopeful that

longstanding issues on the international peace and

security agenda may achieve progress. In some cases,

change is already afoot. Cross-Strait relations between

Taiwan and China have improved and, for the first

time, Taiwan has participated as an observer at the

World Health Assembly. Haiti held elections earlier

09-52598 40

this year, in a relatively peaceful and orderly fashion.

After 47 years, the Organization of American States

has now lifted Cuba’s suspension from that body.

We welcome these developments and expect that

they signal a change in approach that will allow for the

full integration of our sisterly nations of Taiwan, Haiti

and Cuba into their rightful place in the international

community. However, for that integration to occur, we

must find an appropriate way for Taiwan to participate

in the activities of the specialized agencies of the

United Nations, we must sustain our support for Haiti

and we must urge that efforts be made to end the

anachronistic embargo against Cuba.

In cases where processes have stalled, let us

renew our engagement. We cannot fail in realizing the

vision of two States, Israel and Palestine, living side by

side within secure and recognized borders. We also

cannot fail in resolving the political stalemate in our

neighbour country of Honduras. Peace and security are

not options, they are imperatives.

My Government is committed to securing just

and lasting peace for our people. Last year, we happily

concluded a special agreement with Guatemala that

will pave the way for the referral of the Guatemalan

territorial claim to our country to the International

Court of Justice. A preliminary and critical phase is

upon us, in which we must prepare our people to

determine by referendum whether the case shall be

referred. My Government is beginning a

comprehensive public education campaign to raise

awareness and ensure that, when our people decide,

they will do so having been fully informed of the

issues. We are approaching what could be a definitive

moment in our history.

I began my statement by addressing the

governance dilemma — to govern and to be governed.

What is consistent in the demands that we

as developing countries — and small States in

particular — have made is that we want to have a

meaningful role in the governance of our affairs at the

international level. We want to have meaningful input

into the solutions that are being crafted for the

problems that we face and of which, in some cases, we

bear the disproportionate burden.

For us, the model of multilateral cooperation

must be imbued with legitimacy. For that to happen,

we must work for a more inclusive process. Twenty-

first century challenges require a new dynamic for

international relations, one that must be inclusive and,

dare I say, democratic. The United Nations Charter is

founded upon the premise of democracy. “We the

peoples of the United Nations” assert our

determination not only to be governed by the principles

set out in the Charter but also to govern by these

principles.

As such, the Charter itself vests in us a role in our

own governance. We in Belize accept that role, and we

are thus empowered, notwithstanding the pressing

challenges in satisfying the basic needs of our people,

to return our country to a path of sustainable

development. No effort will be spared to draw upon

our limited resources as well as other available

resources to invest in our human resources, to improve

our political and legal institutions, to support

traditional and niche industries, to practise fiscal

responsibility and to protect and preserve our

environment for present and future generations.

We solemnly agree that our development is our

own responsibility. We welcome the support of the

international community in the spirit of multilateral

cooperation as we take action to achieve our high

aspirations.