Belgium, 2003

I would

like at the outset to extend my sincerest congratulations

to you, Sir, on your accession to the presidency of the

General Assembly. It comes at a particularly difficult

time, which I might even describe as painful, in the

history of our Organization.

Indeed, the past year has gravely challenged the

capacities of the United Nations to manage the crisis in

Iraq to its conclusion, a country to which it was

accountable. It saw the pre-eminent role for the

maintenance of international peace and security of this

institution, symbol of multilateralism and stability,

called into question.

Yet, it is not our institution’s intrinsic capacity

that is the cause of its powerlessness. It is essentially

its Members’ lack of political determination. We

cannot elude this vital debate for a peaceful, more

harmonious and more just future indefinitely. Sooner or

later, we must answer the essential question: How can

we ensure that all Member States of the United Nations

will be prepared to accept the binding nature of

Security Council endorsements of military action prior

to engaging in it?

To make myself perfectly clear, and to avoid any

misunderstanding, the question that I ask is as follows:

What reforms need to be made to the Organization’s

operations to placate the often-understandable

apprehension or reticence of those who, because they

assume specific political responsibilities, refuse to

submit their geostrategic options to the rules of our

Organization? As long as we remain unable to answer

that question, we will continue to live in doubt and

uncertainty, if not in helplessness. It is not a question

of advocating an institutional shake-up of the

Organization; rather debate should enable us to

overcome the all-too-many misunderstandings that

undermine the credibility of our shared instrument, and

from which we can draw conclusions that will help us

to make the Organization’s mechanisms more credible

and up to date. The Security Council was founded on

the recognition of the particular responsibility and role

of some of our Members, and I fully subscribe to it.

But should we not integrate new perspectives into this

state of affairs, such as the regional dimension, present

geopolitical facts and also new threats?

This is in no way meant to contest the specific

influence of some of those involved in international

peace and security management. Rather, our concerted

support could help accompany, legitimize and

strengthen their approach and their effectiveness,

thanks to the indisputably added value of multilateral

dynamics. In many cases, this would avoid taking

unnecessary risks and misunderstandings. In that

regard, I think that, given its role as a global actor, the

European Union greatly deserves a permanent seat on

the Security Council on its own behalf.

It is this conviction that has inspired my country’s

position on the Iraq crisis. But now is not the time to

determine who was right or who was wrong. All sides

clearly had their reasons. One can only respect them

for it.

But it is now necessary to contribute to the re-

establishment of stability and ensure Iraq’s

reconstruction. That is the responsibility of us all, for it

concerns a region neighbouring Europe, and we cannot

tolerate, if only for the sake of our own security,

increased instability or the persistence of an

uncontrolled spiral of violence that feeds resentment

towards the international community, which, as history

has taught us, constitutes the principal breeding ground

for terrorism.

It is thus necessary to stop the violence as quickly

as possible. To this end, I share the opinion of the

Secretary-General and of many among us. It is

necessary to restore as quickly as possible

responsibility for governing Iraq to the people of Iraq.

The return to sovereignty, under the watchful eye of the

United Nations and of the international community as a

whole, is capable of providing the salutary shock

needed to reverse the current trend. We must convince

the Iraqi people that national union, the

re-establishment of State authority and economic

recovery are accessible and at hand. This of course

does not imply that the international community should

demobilize. A strong military force in Iraq will still be

necessary for some time to guarantee stability. It is of

course up to the United States to assume its

management. But from now on this presence must not

be regarded as designed to occupy the country, but

rather as a way to assist in the reconstruction process

34

for the sake of the Iraqi people. The Security Council

resolution that is currently under discussion must

create this prospect so as to insure broad participation

by the international community.

The United Nations has a central role to play in

accompanying the political reconstruction process in

Iraq, even if the tragic events of August have shown

how risky and vulnerable that process is. However,

such a role requires a clear mandate and sufficient

means.

I wish to renew my sincerest condolences to the

Secretary-General, to the bereaved families and to

colleagues, and express my high regard and admiration

for all the United Nations staff members for their

involvement, their selflessness and the sacrifices that

they accept so steadfastly.

The principal security threat is the uncontrollable

proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their

potential use by some States in breach of minimal

ethical standards or by certain terrorist movements.

That threat is serious. We must each confront the threat

together, by shouldering our fair share of the actions

undertaken.

The European Union and its member States

currently possess an essential document which deals

with the European security strategy. It should enable

us, as Javier Solana quite recently reminded us in

Brussels, to plot a European chart of the challenges

facing this world to better guarantee the effectiveness

of our collective security system. Belgium will actively

participate in this endeavour.

Furthermore, we fully share the international

community’s concerns about the nuclear programme of

North Korea. We strongly call upon North Korea to

abide by its previous international commitments. We

are grateful to China for having offered a useful format

for discussion in this respect.

As for Iran, I trust that through a sustained and

constructive dialogue it will meet the expectations of

the international community and respond to the

requests of the International Atomic Energy Agency.

Belgium will continue to participate in a

determined and proactive way in the international

efforts that were initiated two years ago to track down

terrorism. In Belgium, there is no sanctuary for

terrorism, nor will there ever be. Nevertheless, the fight

against terrorism should not be used as an abusive

justification for actions that would undermine the

democratic quality and the sacred principles of the rule

of law.

Furthermore, I am not one of those who believe

that the military option is the exclusive answer,

although obviously it should not be excluded. Much

more fundamentally, we need to systematically attack

the root causes of a phenomenon that is often rooted in

the feeling of powerlessness or in feelings of real or

perceived injustice.

For this reason, Belgium will also continue to

support, together with its European partners, the action

of the Quartet for the re-establishment of peace

between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. To

achieve that goal, it is necessary that Palestinians

decide unambiguously to renounce the toleration of

blind violence and that Israel, in the same spirit, stop

favouring the use of force.

One has the impression that, as difficulties pile

up, we have fallen back into the traps of Oslo: a

gradualism of small steps and a too-pronounced

reliance on sequencing. The road map prescribes

parallel advances on the security, political and

economic paths. From each side, we need to obtain

bolder measures and the acceptance of the risks these

imply. There is no alternative to the road map. It has

not yet been implemented seriously. We believe it is

particularly urgent to create a credible, on-site

verification mechanism.

It is in Africa, particularly in Central Africa, that

my country commits itself in the most determined way

to the restoration of peace and stability. We are

encouraged by the successful installation of a

transitional Government in Kinshasa that now brings

together all the parties. Now, State structures have to

be restored and good governance has to be introduced

in order to allow for the return of foreign aid and

investment. The persisting violence in the east of the

country must end.

In this context, I wish to mention the remarkable

efforts by the United Nations Organization Mission in

the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC). I

am particularly happy about the success of Operation

Artemis. Apart from restoring security in Bunia, this

operation has given MONUC the thrust it needed to be

able to face up to the challenges of its new mandate.

35

Now, priority must be given to the preparation of

elections in order to grant the Democratic Republic of

the Congo a new start on a solid basis and to

consolidate its restored territorial integrity. Belgium

will be present at all levels and in every phase of this

process. But I wish to insist on the fact that the

Democratic Republic of the Congo needs the

determined commitment of all the instruments of our

community. It would be unforgivable not to forge, here

and now, the conditions for a complete stabilization of

the entire region.

We also need to help Rwanda to continue its

national reconciliation efforts, which are indispensable

in order to guarantee sustainable stability in that fragile

country. I am convinced the recent elections will

contribute to this goal.

As for Burundi, the implementation of the Arusha

Agreements must continue, and the rebels have to be

convinced that they should join this process. My

country looks forward to participating actively in the

new action on Burundi decided by the Economic and

Social Council. We hope that will help Burundi to

break through its isolation within the international

community.

Finally, my country closely follows the efforts by

the United Nations to reactivate the project for a Great

Lakes conference, which should seal the re-

establishment of peaceful relations and the

development of cross-border cooperation among the

countries of the region.

The credibility of the United Nations does not

depend only on its willingness and capacity to manage

crises. It also depends on its capacity to respond to the

expectations of men, women and children all over the

world, who are directly or indirectly confronted with

imbalances and injustice whose causes and solutions

both are found only at the global level. It is essential to

master globalization, develop the promises it offers and

correct its excesses.

It is clear that, in accordance with the analysis of

the Secretary-General, this challenge requires

fundamental reflection on the architecture of the major

instruments of development. That demands openness of

mind and should not exclude any option from the start.

Has not the time come to reinforce the capacity of the

United Nations to act effectively in this field? I wish to

repeat a question that I raised at the World Trade

Organization Ministerial Conference in Cancún.

Should we not, for example, create a real Economic

and Social Security Council, which would derive its

legitimacy and efficiency from law and which would

have the same power in the management of economic,

social and environmental policies as the Security

Council has on issues of peace? That is my conviction,

especially since those fields form the requisite

backdrop to achieving stability and security.

The Economic and Social Council needs to be

reformed to give it a more decisive operational role in

the control of a world organization based on universal

principles of equity. This goal should lead to broad and

balanced synergies between international organizations

such as the World Bank, the International Monetary

Fund, the World Trade Organization and the

International Labour Organization, which should really

become instruments of the same project.

The founding principles of such a concept exist

already and are being applied in certain countries, such

as in mine. I am referring more specifically to

fundamental labour standards such as the freedom of

unions, the prohibition of child labour and forced

labour and the right to quality employment, as well as

environmental obligations, which are vital for

sustainable development. I am also thinking of the need

to exclude services of general interest from the market

sphere.

To conclude, it seems to me that such an ambition

would opportunely translate the tremendous hope

generated by the Millennium Summit. The Millennium

Declaration clearly defined the goals at our level. I am

pleased with the decision of the General Assembly to

make the five-year review of the Millennium Summit

in 2005 into an important event, which I think should

be a summit of heads of State and Government. That

summit should assess the implementation not only of

the Millennium Goals, but also of the goals of all the

major United Nations conferences.

But the success of that summit implies going

further. It should at last boldly lay the foundation for a

world in which inequalities between poor and rich

countries can be filled in a sustainable way. It should

nourish, in an irreversible way, the indispensable

confidence the world needs to be safer, more human

and more brotherly.